LIFE AND TIMES
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON,
COLONEL OF AN ENGLISH REGIMENT IN THE DUTCH
SERVICE, 1605-1631,
AND
ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S MOST HONOURABLE PRIVY COUNCIL,
1628-1638.
BY
CHARLES DALTON, F.R.G.S.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, SEARLE, & RIVINGTON,
CROWN BUILDINGS, 188, FLEET STREET.
1885.
[All rights reservtd.]
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLFAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
LIBRARY
713861
LETTERS IN VOL. II.
PAGE
SIR EDWARD CECIL TO THE EARL OF MIDDLESEX ... 5
SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR E. CECIL 42
SIR E. CECIL TO SIR D. CARLETON .'._,". . . .44
SIR E. CECIL TO SIR EDWARD CONWAY 46
SIR E. CECIL TO SIR D. CARLETON 52
SIR E. CECIL TO LORD ZOUCH 55
SIR E. CECIL TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM .... 70
SIR E. CECIL TO LORD CONWAY 85
THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM TO SIR E. CECIL .... 92
SIR E. CECIL TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM .... 100
SIR E. CECIL TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM .... 108
SIR E. CECIL TO LORD CONWAY 109
THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM TO SIR E. CECIL .... 128
SIR E. CECIL TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM .... 129
SIR E. CECIL TO LORD CONWAY 130
SIR E. CECIL TO LORD CONWAY . . 142
SIR E. CECIL TO KING CHARLES 1 143
SIR E. CECIL TO SIR JOHN COKE 144
SIR E. CECIL TO SIR JOHN COKE 148
SIR WM. ST. LEGER TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM . . .198
SIR THOMAS LOVE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM . . . 202
SIR GEORGE BLUNDELL TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM . . 205
SIR E. CECIL TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM .... 207
SIR E. CECIL TO SIR JOHN COKE 216
SIR E. CECIL TO LORD CONWAY 219
SIR MICHAEL GEERE TO WM. GEERE 223
THE COMMISSIONERS AT PLYMOUTH TO THE PRIVY COUNCIL . 227
SIR THOS. LOVE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM .... 229
SIR WM. ST. LEGER TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM . . . 231
SIR W. ST. LEGER TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM . . . 233
SIR JAMES BAGG TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM .... 234
SIR W. ST. LEGER TO LORD CONWAY 235
SIR E. HARWOOD TO SIR D. CARLETON 237
SIR JOHN BURROUGHS TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM. . . 238
SIR W. ST. LEGER TO LORD CONWAY 239
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO MR. NICHOLAS 264
KING CHARLES I. TO THE EARL OF NOTTINGHAM AND VISCOUNT
WIMBLEDON 265
IV LETTERS IN VOL. II.
PACK
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO MR. NICHOLAS 268
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO LORD CARLETON 273
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM . . 276
THE KING OF BOHEMIA TO THE QUEEN OF BOHEMIA . . . 294
THE KING OF BOHEMIA TO THE QUEEN OF BOHEMIA . . . 295
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO SIR C. HUYGENS 310
THE HUMBLE REMONSTRANCE OF VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO KING
CHARLES 1 322
THE HUMBLE PETITION OF VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO KING
CHARLES 1 337
THE HUMBLE PETITION OF VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO KING
CHARLES 1 339
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO SIR EDMUND SCOTT . . . .341
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO THE MAYOR OF PORTSMOUTH . . 344
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO SIR F. WINDEBANK .... 345
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO SIR F. WINDEBANK .... .346
LIFE AND TIMES
OF
SIR EDWARD CECIL,
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON.
CHAPTER I.
1622-1623.
State of the British regiments in Holland — Spinola's triumphs — He lays siege
to Bergen-op-zoom — The Prince of Orange sends troops there — Arrival of
General Cecil at Bergen — He joins the States' army near Emerich— And
takes part in the attack on Bois-le-duc — The operations of Count Mansfeld
in Alsace— Is joined by the ex-King of Bohemia — Their short campaign in
the Palatinate — Disastrous results — Christian of Brunswick is routed by
Tilly — Defection of the Duke of Baden— Frederick and Mansfeld retreat
to Alsace— Frederick leaves the army and retires to Sedan — Mansfeld's
services engaged by the States-General — He marches with his troops into
the Netherlands — Overtaken by the enemy near Brussels — Mutiny — Battle
of Fleurus— Gallantry of Christian of Brunswick — Mansfeld joins the
Prince of Orange — Their united forces march to the relief of Bergen —
Journal of the siege of Bergen-op-zoom — Spinola raises the siege — The
English in the Palatinate — Return of Sir Horace Vere — Death of the Earl
of Exeter — The Spanish Marriage Treaty — Marriage of Albinia Cecil —
Letter from Wimbledon.
THE ranks of the British regiments in the States' service
had been sadly thinned by Death's remorseless hand
during the four months of weary waiting and watching for
an enemy who never came, when the Dutch army had last
taken the field. The two regiments which had suffered
most appear to have been Sir Edward Cecil's and Lord
VOL. II. B
2 LIFE AND TIMES OF
LTsle's l regiments of foot. The natural pride of a
commander, in the strength and good appearance of his
own regiment, made Sir Edward Cecil anxious that his
regiment should be raised to its usual strength before
again appearing in the field. When the winter passed
away, and the spring drew near its end, without the
necessary orders having been issued for the recruiting of
" the regiment of Cecil," the angry feelings of the colonel
of this regiment blazed out, and he expressed himself in
very plain language to his friend Sir Dudley Carleton, who,
with his customary kindness and helpfulness, had, it would
seem, spoken to the Prince of Orange and the States-
General regarding the need of new levies for Cecil's
regiment.
" Instead of recompensing us that have so long and faithfully
served them," wrote Cecil to the British Ambassador at the Hague,
" the recompense is with interest to paye for these souldiers,2
when they take besydes all advantages and extremity in there
necessity, as they did the last leaguer, when we had endured all
misery both by sickness and death for their service. . . . Therefore
I shall not be over this yeare so soone as I have beeyne others ;
but I will rather take the advantage of it, [at] my coming over at
the time his Exc. doth send out his patentes. Now I have given
order that a man of war be procured to feach [fetch] me over. I
commend my lo. lile [L'Isle] that he can so soone see into his
masters unconscionable usage of there [their] servants." 3
Lord L'Isle seems to have been equally disgusted with
the Dutch mode of recompensing their brave defenders, and
1 On the surrender of the cautionary towns to the Dutch, in 1616, an
English regiment was given to Lord L'Isle (then Sir Robert Sidney) as a
recompense for his father's services as governor of Flushing.
2 This phrase is ambiguous. Cecil may mean that he is expected to defray
the cost of raising recruits ?
3 Cecil to Carleton, from " Cecyll House [Strand] this 4 of Maye " [1622].
—5. P. Holland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 3
he determined to leave a service1 where there was little
military glory to be obtained at that time, but much hard-
ship and sickness to be encountered.
About June I, half of the foot regiments in the States'
service were sent to their last year's quarters at Emerich,
under the command of Henry of Nassau, and the re-
mainder of the troops were to follow, under the Prince of
Orange's command, as soon as news came of Spinola's
taking the field.2
Spinola was one of those able commanders who formed
his plans without taking any one into his counsel, and,
having decided what to do, kept his intentions secret.
This wise reticence on his part accounted for much of the
success his arms met with, as his enemies were continually
taken by surprise. In 1622 Spinola may be said to have
nearly reached the zenith of his military fame. He had
overrun and conquered most of the Palatinate, and had so
effectually terrified some of the princes of the German
Union, who were, as Maurice of Nassau wittily said, rich
enough to make a feast, but too poor to make a war,3 that
they had come to terms with the emperor. Spinola's
lieutenants, Van den Berg and Cordova, had also been
successful in their enterprises, and Van den Berg had
inflicted a serious blow upon the United Provinces when
he forced the aged governor of Juliers to surrender that
fortress early in this year.4
1 Lord L'Isle to Carleton, May 8, 1622, acquainting him that in con-
sequence of being straitened in his circumstances he thinks of making over
his regiment to Sir Charles Rich. — S. P. Holland.
2 Carleton to Nethersole, Junes, 1622. — S. P. Holland.
3 Crosse, p. 1449.
4 Sergeant-Major Pithan surrendered Juliers to the Spaniards when the
garrison was reduced to a state of starvation, having only dogs, cats, and
vermin to eat. It is said that Pithan told Count Van den Berg how long
and faithfully he had held the city for his Lords, the States, when he delivered
up the keys. Van den Berg said it was well, "but yet," said he, "these are
B 2
4 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Having obtained possession of this long-coveted frontier
stronghold, Spinola determined to carry the war into the
enemy's country and lay siege to Bergen-op-zoom, which
would open a passage for him into Zeeland. In order to
throw the enemy off the scent, the Spanish commander
marched to Wesel, and, without sitting down before any
town, marched to and fro along the frontier, keeping Rees,
Emerich, Grave, &c., in constant expectation of attack.
The Prince of Orange assembled an army of 19,000 men in
the neighbourhood of Rees to guard the threatened Dutch
frontier. This large force drained several of the important
Dutch towns of part of their wonted garrisons. One of
the towns which furnished some companies to the States'
army was Bergen-op-zoom. Spinola being cognisant of
this fact took immediate advantage of it. He made a
sudden descent towards Brabant and sent a detachment
forward under Louis de Velasco, who besieged and
captured Steenbergen without meeting with much opposi-
tion.1
The Prince of Orange, knowing the weak state Bergen-
op-zoom was in, both as regarded defenders and defences
(some of the outworks being in a half-finished state),
immediately sent some picked troops there, who arrived
about July 18, three days after the Spanish detachment
appeared before the town.
" General Cecil coming out of England," wrote the historian of
these early Dutch wars, " with an intention to go towards his
Excellencie's camp by Emricke (where he had a great command,
as being Colonel of a Regiment of English foot and Captaine of a
not all the keys." " What mean you," said Pithan, " by this ? " "I mean,"
replied the count, with a Spanish elation, "the keys of Amsterdam, Utrecht,
Delft, &c., &c., which the States of the United Provinces do so long detain
from the Lord my master." — Crosse, p. 1419.
1 Crosse, p. 1421.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 5
horse troupe), tooke Berghen in his way, as well to see the seige
as that he might be able to informe the Prince concerning the
particularities of it. He was accompanied with divers great per-
sonages, as with my Lord Mountjoy,1 the eldest son of the Lord
President of the Council (now honoured with the title of Viscount
Mandeville), Master John Meynard,2 brother to my Lord Meynard,
Master Wray,3 and others. After some few days they departed
towards his Excellencie's camp, where they arrived in safety." 4
Before detailing what Cecil saw and did at Bergen-op-
zoom during his short stay there, we must follow him to
the States' camp near Emerich, and relate in Cecil's own
words what happened after his arrival.
SIR E. CECIL TO THE EARL OF MIDDLESEX.5
"... We hear the Spanish army hath left the Palatinate to come
down upon us, although Austria having left that Countrye as the
1 Edward Montagu, second Earl of Manchester, was eldest son of Sir Henry
Montagu, Lord Treasurer (created Viscount Mandeville in 1620, and Earl of
Manchester in 1626). Edward Montagu was a successful Parliamentary
general during the civil wars, and particularly distinguished by his victory
over Prince Rupert at Marston Moor, in which engagement Cromwell acted
as his lieutenant-general. He died 1671.
2 Sir John Maynard, of Tooting, Surrey, K.B., and M.P. for Lostwithiel
in 1640. Impeached of high treason, expelled the House of Commons, and
sent to the Tower in 1647 for the part he took in voting for the disbanding of
the Parliamentary army. He died 1658.
8 This was doubtless Mr. (afterwards Sir Christopher) Wray, of whom
more hereafter.
4 Crosse, p. 1427.
* Lionel Cranfield, Earl of Middlesex, who from a low beginning was for
his eminent qualities in mercantile affairs raised to that title, and to the post
of Lord Treasurer of England, was son of Thomas Cranfield, Esq. He had
been bred up in the Custom House, and was looked upon as a fit instrument
to detect the frauds in those officers. Having married a kinswoman of the
Duke of Buckingham, he was introduced to the Court of James I. by the
reigning favourite, and rose rapidly from one high post to another. Created
Baron Cranfield in June, 1621, and appointed Lord Treasurer in the October
following, he reached the zenith of his fame in 1622, when he was created
Earl ol Middlesex. In two short years Lord Middlesex was impeached by
Parliament and deprived of all his offices. The Earl, who died in 1645, was
O LIFE AND TIMES OF
Croes do the Carkase of dead beastes that hath noe more fleash
leafte. Wee have been upon a surprise of great importance which
was the town of Burslo (sic) [Bois-le-duc], a place if the States
had gotten it would have helped them to have kept 5,000 men
more in the army then they did, and have made us all rich ; but
wee have returned weary, without sleep, without bread, I [aye]
and without good water, having worked 24 hours together." l
Cecil proceeds to relate in his letter to Lord Middlesex
how their camp near Emerich was suddenly attacked one
night by the Spanish troops, and several of the States'
officers taken prisoners and carried off before the whole
camp was aroused.
twice married. By his second wife, Anne Brett (niece of the old Countess
of Buckingham), he left four sons and a daughter Frances (married to
Richard, Earl of Dorset), who eventually succeeded to the Cranfield estates
which devolved on her son.
1 The important town of Bois-le-duc did not fall into the hands of the States'
forces until 1629. Sir Dudley Carleton refers to the above attempt to surprise
this town in one of his letters :
" You will have heard of an enterprise the Prince of Orange failed of
lately uppon Bolduc, which he had projected so well, that he never shewed
more confidence in any. He was coming from his campe in Cleveland with
5,000 foote and 3 troopes of horse, within a league of the town, where he
attended [waited], giveing order for the execution till the darkness of the night
came on, and then sett forward under the conduct of guides that lead him all
night out of the way, which defaced all theyr fair hopes of successe, the
morning coming on, and they discovered, and he is since returned to his old
quarter by Skenckesconce. . . The designe was to have Petarded one of the
gates, and to have attempted entrance thereby, as likewise by another place
where the wall was fallen downe, and the ditch drawn dry during the reparation
thereof." Carleton to , Aug. 15, 1622. — S. P. Holland. Sir Edward Cecil
commanded the British tooops on the march to Bois-le-duc, the second in com-
mand being Sir Edward Vere, who commanded Sir Horace Vere's regiment
during that general's absence in the Palatinate. A dispute arose between Cecil
and Sir Edward Vere on the march as to the extent of Cecil's command. The
dispute ended in a challenge. A meeting was arranged, and at the first halt
Cecil and Vere left the camp attended by their seconds, Sir W. St. Leger and
Captain Lindley. Before the duel took place the combatants we're arrested
by a party sent from camp by the Prince of Orange. Carleton to Calvert,
August 12. — S. P. Holland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 7
" Amongst the prisoners," continues Cecil, " was a Duke of
Saxson,1 one of the bravest Duche [Dutch] I have known, the
other Sir W. Balforde [Balfour], a Scoche man, whoe is returned
upon his ransome ; the other I think is too great a man and too
courtly to return to us again, altho' there can not be demanded
more than ;£no, which is the ransome of a Captaine of Horse
agreed upon between both our armies.2 . . . When I was at Bergen
it grieved me to see English colours carried against English colours,
and that his Majesty should lose his subjects' blood both ways.3
But I hope God will defend it some way as he hath begun, for
there doth come unto us every day fifty at least crying out that if
all could come they would do so, so we hope to have soldiers good
[and] cheap. . . . Count Mansfieldt .... the States have agreed to
his demand (.£3,000 a month) so long as he shall spoil their enemies
country, and when he will join with us then to have his Army paid
upon the Dutch foote ; we look for him daily, and if he come he
shall be needfully welcome." 4
1 The Duke of Saxe- Weimar, whose estates in Germany were confiscated
by the Emperor Ferdinand. Sir Dudley Carleton thus speaks of this noble-
man on a subsequent occasion :
"Here is a noble gent, the Duke of Saxe Weymar, eldest of that house,
who is much solicited by his frends to returne to his home and submit himself
to the Emperor, whereby to save the loss of his estate, about which he hath
often consulted with me ; and because he is the man for action on whom most
assurance may be built of that nation, especially for command and service of
horse, I have advised him to entertane some time without giving answer."
Carleton to Secretary Conway, March 8, 1623-4. — 6". P. Holland.
3 For an account of the Duke of Saxe-Weimar's ransom, see further on in
this chapter.
3 James had been weak enough to give leave to Gondomar, the Spanish
ambassador in London, to raise two regiments for the Spanish service, one in
Scotland and the other in England, in the spring of 1622, when he (the king)
had been lulled into a belief that the Palatinate was about to be restored to
Frederick through Spanish intervention. The two regiments were quickly
raised, and Lord Vaux was appointed colonel-in-chief, but the recruits, who
were chiefly, if not entirely, Roman Catholics, appear to have been deceived
in several important matters regarding their future services. When Lord
Vaux's companies arrived in the Low Countries, and found they had to serve
against the Hollanders and their own countrymen, many of the men refused to
fight and ran away. — Court and Times, i. pp. 306-7.
4 From the Knole MSS., dated " Skinke Sconce, 13 Aug.," and printed
in the Fourth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical MSS. -p. 287.
8 LIFE AND TIMES OF
When we last heard of Ernest, Count of Mansfeld, he
was at the head of a large army in the Lower Palatinate ;
but after a few successes, followed by heavy fines extorted
by the count from both friends and foes, and inhuman
outrages committed by the godless hordes who followed
a leader who could only promise them plunder for pay,
the army which had come to reconquer the Palatinate
had to flee from the avenging Tilly and seek safety in
Alsace. Mansfeld looked upon bishops as his peculiar
prey, and his entry into the territory of the Archduke
Leopold, Bishop of Strasburg, was marked by fire, plunder,
and the sword. Such was the man whom Frederick, Elector
Palatine, had chosen, with the desperate recklessness of a
gambler, to uphold his falling fortunes. Weak and un-
decided as Frederick was, he knew enough of Mansfeld
to make him suspect his integrity of purpose. The man
who changes sides once can never be fully trusted again.
Knowing this, and deeming his presence might have a
beneficial and stimulating effect on Mansfeld and his
army, Frederick determined to secretly join the count
in Alsace. He accordingly left the Hague in March, in
disguise, and, accompanied by only two persons, passed
into France by sea. Making his way through Lorraine
and through the midst of his enemy's troops, he arrived
at Landau, where Count Mansfeld had a garrison. Here
he made himself known, and from thence went to Gemer-
sheim, where he was received with the general applause
of the whole army.1 Frederick's arrival changed the aspect
of affairs, as Mansfeld was secretly negotiating with an
agent of the Archduchess Isabella's from Brussels, when
1 Roger Coke's Detection of Court and State of England during the four last
reigns (edit. 1694), i. p. 133.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 9
the Palatine arrived on the scene.1 It might have been
better, it could not well have been worse, for the Palatine's
cause, if his rapacious and versatile lieutenant had then
and there made terms with the enemy, and thrown up
for good the commission he held under the ex-King of
Bohemia. As it was, a sudden gleam of sunshine threw
its cheering influence over the path of the exiled elector,
and lured him on to his fate. Mansfeld broke off his
negotiations with the Brussels agent, and returned with
fresh zest to the Palatine's service. The Duke of Baden,
hearing of Frederick's arrival at Gemersheim, raised troops
to assist in the reconquest of the Palatinate, and last, but
not least, the heroic Christian of Brunswick, adminis-
trator of Halberstadt, took the field with all the forces
he could raise, to fight for Frederick and the fair young
Elizabeth.2
The story of Frederick's short campaign in the Palatinate
is soon told. Mansfeld chose to separate his forces from
those of the Duke of Baden. The latter was attacked near
Wimpfen on the Neckar by a much superior force under
Tilly, and his army routed. In the meantime Mansfeld
was on his way to Haguenau in Alsace, a stronghold he
had wrested from Archduke Leopold, and which that belli-
cose churchman had now laid siege to, hoping to recover
his own property in the count's absence. But Mansfeld
swooped down on the archduke, causing him to raise the
siege and beat a hasty retreat, leaving his artillery and
baggage behind for his rapacious enemy. After this
successful foray Mansfeld returned to the Palatinate and
rejoined Frederick at Mannheim — one of the three cities of
refuge still left to the elector. Having made a fresh agree-
ment with the Duke of Baden, Frederick once more set
1 Villermont's Ernest de Mansfddt, i. p. 387. 2 Schiller, pp. 121-2.
10 LIFE AND TIMES OF
out at the head of a large army composed of Mansfeld's
forces and the remnant of the Duke of Baden's troops.
It was planned beforehand that they were to join forces
with Duke Christian of Brunswick, who was approaching
the Main at the head of a fine body of troops. Instead of
attempting to reach the Brunswickian army with all
possible expedition, Frederick committed the egregious
blunder of marching to Darmstadt, and forcing the Land-
grave of Hesse-Darmstadt to receive him and his troops
into the town. Louis of Hesse-Darmstadt being a strong
Lutheran had small sympathy with the disinherited
Calvinist elector, but he had remained neutral in the late
troubles, and had tried every means in his power to
mediate a peace between Frederick and the jemperor. He
had, indeed, been employed in trying to bring about a
conference for negotiating a peace for some weeks prior to
Frederick's invasion of his territory. Louis's neutrality
having been hitherto respected, this generous-minded
prince had, at Frederick's earnest solicitation, given leave
for the Palatine's army to march through part of his
territory en route for Frankfort, to join Christian of
Brunswick. Twenty-four hours after this concession had
been granted, Mansfeld's whole force, with Frederick at its
head, left Mannheim and entered the neutral territory of
Hesse-Darmstadt, sowing, according to its custom, ruin and
death in its passage.1 Turning aside from the Frankfort
road, Frederick and his army made straight for Darmstadt.
An aide-de-camp was sent on in advance to request
permission from the Landgrave for Frederick, his suite and
ordinary guard to lodge in Darmstadt Castle for one night.
This request was in reality a command, which Louis was
obliged to obey, and he was still ignorant of the treachery
Ernest de MansfelJt, ii. p. 15.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. I I
of which he was to be the victim.1 The gates being opened,
Frederick, Mansfeld, and some other officers of high rank
with a strong guard were admitted into the town, while the
army was quartered in villages outside. The next day the
mask was thrown off. Louis was asked to furnish troops
for Frederick's army, wagons to carry provisions, and to
lend a sum of 200,000 reichsthalers to pay certain regiments
to whom large sums were owing. Not satisfied with this dis-
honourable action, Frederick's ill advisers drew up a treaty
in the King of Bohemia's name for the Landgrave to sign
by which the latter bound himself to support Frederick's
cause both in the field and in the negotiations for peace, &c.,
&c., and to deliver up to Frederick's troops the Castle of
Russelsheim on the Main, which commanded the passage
of the river. Louis, feeling himself a prisoner and in the
power of the Palatine, determined to secretly leave
Darmstadt. In company with his second son he left the
town one dark night, but was unfortunately met by a
sentinel and arrested as he was leaving the town. Louis
was now openly guarded as a prisoner in his own capital.
Still refusing to deliver up Russelsheim or sign the treaty,
the unfortunate prince was carried off as a prisoner by the
invading army.
Mansfeld now marched to Russelsheim, hoping to
capture that necessary stronghold, but meeting with a
stout resistance, and time pressing, he had to abandon the
attack. Before he could form a junction with Duke
Christian's troops on the other side of the Main, Tilly
1 Frederick's messenger had assured the Landgrave of the ex-King's friend-
ship and honesty of purpose in these words : " My Lord, the King, my master,
comes as a friend, and is unmindful of any hostility which may be between you
and him. He has charged me to add that since your Highness was employing
yourself in the re-establishment of peace he would confer with you, and by this
means much prolixity could be avoided and time gained." — ItU, p. 19.
12 LIFE AND TIMES OF
was reported to be approaching with a large force at his
back. Not feeling strong enough to cope with Tilly's
veterans, Mansfeld beat a quick retreat.1 Tilly's cavalry
came up with the rearguard between Bensheim and
Lorsch and inflicted a heavy loss upon it. The rest of
Mansfeld's army found refuge once more within the walls
of Mannheim. Christian was now left to the mercy of
Tilly, who pounced upon him as he was crossing the Main
at Hochst, near Frankfort, and annihilated most of the
Brunswickian force, capturing all the baggage. Christian
himself, with a few hundred cavalry, arrived at Mannheim
just as Mansfeld was again marching forth to join him.
The meeting of the two commanders was by no means
friendly. They mutually loaded each other with re-
proaches. The Duke of Baden, seeing the hopeless state
of affairs, departed with his troops and made terms with
the emperor.2 This defection completely humiliated
Frederick. On June 23, he left Mannheim for Alsace
in company with Mansfeld and Christian, after having
released the Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, who had been
forced to sign a paper, in which Louis promised to do all in
his power to bring about a peace in Germany, to advance
the restoration of the Elector Palatine to his hereditary
dominions, and to abstain from all acts of hostility and
vengeance against Frederick. Thus did Frederick V.,
Elector Palatine, once more leave the home of his fathers, his
last act being to wring from the friend he had so basely
treated a promise that he would not retaliate upon the
1 Villermont says Mansfeld's return to Mannheim was due to his hearing
that Tilly was threatening that place, and in his anxiety to save the spoils he
had left behind in Mannheim, he retraced his steps, instead of attempting to
cross the river and join the Duke of Brunswick, as Frederick and the Duke of
Baden implored him to do. — Ernest de Mansfeldt, ii. p. 68.
2 Ibid. p. 71;
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 13
man who had carried out, if he had not planned in the
first instance, a base deception almost unparalleled in the
annals of war.
Three weeks after Frederick's departure from Mannheim
he went through the form of releasing Mansfeld and his
officers from their oath of allegiance to him, no longer
being able to control their lawless actions. Frederick
departed to Sedan for a season, where he was hospitably
entertained by his uncle, the Duke of Bouillon, and
Ernest de Mansfeld accepted the offer of the States-
General to transfer his army to Holland and assist the
States' army in relieving Bergen-op-zoom.
After a skilful, but disastrous, march from Alsace,
Mansfeld arrived within half a league of the village of
Fleurus, near Brussels, on the high road to Bergen-op-
zoom. Here he found his way barred by Cordova, who
had been sent with a large force to dispute the way. A
battle was unavoidable. At the very moment that
Mansfeld was marshalling his hosts in line of battle, two
of his regiments broke into open mutiny and declared they
would not fight unless they first received their arrears of
pay. Mansfeld was equal to the occasion, mutiny of the
worst kind being very prevalent in his army.1 He begged
the mutineers, if they would not fight, at least to deceive
the enemy by keeping together in a body at a distance,
and so give the idea that they were being kept in reserve.
1 It is related of Mansfeld that when he was unable to pay his soldiers,
which was very often the case, they would come and break open his doors,
clamouring loudly for pay. On these occasions he always threw himself among
them, pistols in hand. " What do you want? " he cried. " Money ! " they
replied. "Those saying so," says the historian, "were sure to have those
pistols discharged into their guts." He would then ask again, " Who will have
money?" This time no one vouchsafed a reply, and they all slunk away.
— Wilson's History of James /., pp. 759-60.
14 LIFE AND TIMES OF
They agreed to this, and with the rest of his army, assisted
by Christian of Brunswick, he charged the enemy with
the greatest bravery. After repeated charges Christian1
routed the Spanish cavalry and drove them from the field.
The enemy retired, but Mansfeld was unable to follow
them, and his victory, if so it can be called, was dearly
bought
Mansfeld's arrival at Gertruydenberg is mentioned in a
letter from one of Sir Edward Cecil's officers to Secretary
Calvert : —
" On Saturday, the 24th of this [Sept.] n.s. our troops [the
States' army] removed from before Skincksconce, and this the 28
we arrived at Gertrudenback, from whence I presume we shall
march towards Bargin. Just now Count Mansfeld cam to see
the Prince of Orange, who entertained him very curtoosly [cour-
teously], but met him no further then the door of his dining room.
The Troopes that he hath brought to the States service are fifty
five Companies of Horse, each ought to be 100; 27 Companies
of Foot, som at 200 and som at 150 — rekond to be 4,000 Foot
and 4,500 Horse. . . . Just now his Ex. sent orders that all the
Impediments of the Army shall march to-morrow, and he himself
goes to Bredau in the morning to draw with us 77 peeses of
Artillery, small and great, and [we] shal be 200 foot companies
and 90 companies of horse." z
The four English regiments, which were in the service
of the United Provinces, marched with the army sent to
relieve Bergen-op-zoom. These were the regiments of
Vere, Cecil, Morgan, and Sidney. The first numbered
fourteen companies, and was commanded by Sir Edward
Vere during Sir Horace Vere's absence in the Palatinate.
1 In the last cavalry charge Christian was severely wounded in his right arm,
which had to be amputated soon after.
2 Captain Couldwell to Calvert, Sept. 28, st. no.— S. P. Holland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 15
Cecil's numbered eight companies, which had been drawn
from their garrisons as follows : —
' Utrecht . . . Company Collonel [Cecil's company]
' Schoonhaven . . Lieut.-Col. Pakenham
' Breda . . . Alan Zouch
' Doesburgh . . Proude
'Utrecht . . . Corbett
' Wych . . . Couldwell
' Swolle . . . Sackvile
' Breda ... X Gerard Herbert." 1
It is interesting to note at this early period how well the
system of Purchase was understood and carried out. Sir
Charles Morgan, the lieutenant-colonel of Sir John Ogle's
regiment, had purchased the colonelcy from Sir John Ogle
in the spring of 1622, and by Sir John Ogle's account
Morgan had not " overpurchased himself." 2 Whatever the
sum was that Morgan agreed to pay, it would seem he had
some difficulty in raising it.3 Lord L'Isle, being anxious to
leave the army, had several good offers for his regiment.
Sir Charles Rich offered him £2,000 for the colonelcy, and
£ 300 a year for life.4 This, in those days, was a very large
sum indeed. Lord L'Isle also received a very advantageous
offer from Sir Edward Harwood,5 his lieutenant-colonel,
a worthy and gallant officer, in every way fitted for the
command. It was finally agreed, subject to the Prince
of Orange's approval, that Harwood was to have the
1 List of troops in the Dutch army, Sept. 14, 1622. — S. P. Germany. The
cross against Sir Gerard Herbert's name is doubtless to show he was dead.
This gallant officer, a kinsman of the Earl of Pembroke, was killed at
Heidelberg, on Sept. 6, whilst defending the castle against Tilly and his
soldiers, who had, after an obstinate siege, captured the town.
Ogle to Carleton, May 3, 1622. — S. P. Holland.
3 Sir E. Cecil to Carleton, May 4, 1622. — S. P. Holland.
4 Lord L'Isle to Sir D. Carleton, Jan. 31, 1623.— -S". P. Holland.
Ibid. The terms offered by Harwood were about £$oo less, but he had
most right to the colonelcy.
1 6 LIFE AND TIMES OF
colonelcy, and Sir Henry Herbert the lieutenant-colonelcy,
the latter paying Colonel Harvvood a certain sum for
vacant step.1
On Sept. 29, the States' army, including Count Mansfeld's
troops, set out from Gertruydenberg on their march to
relieve Bergen-op-zoom. Their arrival there, with an
account of the siege from its commencement to its close, is
chronicled in an interesting manuscript journal of the
period, by an eye-witness of some of the events he relates.
Special mention being made of General Cecil in this
journal, an abridged copy of it is now given : —
"A DISCOURSE OF THE BESEIGING, DEFENDING
AND RELIEVING OF THE TOWN OF BERGEN OP
ZOME IN THE YEAR 1622." 2
The writer begins his journal with praise of the Prince
of Orange's military abilities and the discipline of the
Dutch army.
" As he doth quarter his Army," says this unknown writer in
eulogising the Prince of Orange, " so he doth quarter and divide
the whole day, and most part of the night, to lodge his Army of
busines in, and that for each quarter of an houre he hath a par-
ticular man to despatch, and a severall [separate] busines to give
order for .... for he neither eates, drinkes, nor sleepes, but it is
in order : when his meat is once set upon the Table,3 it is not the
1 Lord L'Isle to Sir D. Carleton, Jan. 31, 1623. See also May 28, naming
agreement between him and Harwood. Among the Holland State Papers for
May, 1623, is a letter from Sir Wm. St. Legerto Sir D. Carleton, enclosing an
indenture between him and Lieut. Edward Nelson, in which St. Leger agrees
to make over his foot company to his lieutenant, the said Edward Nelson, for
the sum of .£500, which appears to have been the price of a foot company
at this period.
* Royal MSS. i8A, Ixiii.
8 The plainness of Prince Maurice's diet is known to us by the well-known
anecdote of his inviting the luxurious Lord Hay (Earl of Carlisle) to dine upon
two dishes, of which one was a boiled and the other a roasted pig.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 17
fashion to remove a dish as though [h]is vessell stood in battalia.
His expences in his house and stables, his wages and liveries, are
alwaies the same. His Pages and laquais are alwayes [dressed]
in the same fashion hee is in, and hee himself is semper idem, the
same outside and the same inside, for his Tailor conies not about
him, but fitts a statue hee hath made of himself, soe [h]is clothes
are alwayes of the same fashion, and most commonly of the same
stuffe, and his gestulations and actions are still alike , . . ."
The army in the Low Countries was divided into three
brigades : —
" i B ' d /Pr*nce of Orange, commander, English and Dutch
I regiments.
2nd Brigade. — Count Henry commands Walloons and French.
~ j T> • j (Count Ernest, the Marshal of the army, commands
3rd BngadeJ ' „ "
\ Dutch and Scotch.
". . . . and they (the Dutch) mingle and blend the Scottish among
them, which are like Beanes and Peas among chafTe. These [the
Scotch] are sure men, hardy and resolute, and their example holds
up the Dutch."
The writer goes on to confess his weakness in military
knowledge, and says, " I am but an apprentice in this craft
of soulgerie." He then proceeds to say : —
" If I shall write freely of this or that commander, it is not my
owne censure or opinion, but what I have gathered and learned
from his Excellencie [Prince Maurice] and the rest of the Cheifes
whom I found very affable .... There were three principal
events in the Low Countries in the year 1622. The first, and
most memorable, the Siege of Bergen op Zome ; the second, the
battle of Ffleury ; 1 and thirdly, the leager at Skinkesconce ....
I have often heard Generall Cecill say, whoe is a great Master of
his art and hath the three perfections of a commander ; for first
hee hath commanded horse as a private Captaine, which fewe
1 Fleurus.
VOL. II. C
1 8 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Colonells of foote have don ; next, I believe his skill in fortifica-
tion is his masterpeece (for at Gulicke he drewe his lines himselfe,
and though he began last he was first in the Rampire to the
honor of our Nation), and for his service and discipline of foote
his privat Company and whole Regiment may be a patterne to the
rest ; and if there be anything in this Treaty 1 [treatise] worthy yor
reading, I must acknowledge my Author, whoe is this heroick
gentleman, out of whose discourse and company I have collected
theis loose notes, as out of a book of the Warres [and have heard
Gen. Cecil say], that if one enemy knewe what another did, the
Warres would quickly be at an end. Yet certainly those of the other
side have better intelligence than the States. It is confessed and
granted in a manner by his Ex. himself it was strange that such a
body of 8,000 foote and 2,000 horse should march and lye before
Bergen, and the towne be invested by the Horse before his Exc.
got the least inkling of it. Directly word was brought to the
Prince of Orange, he, knowing the small garrison there was in
Bergen op Zome, poured with all expedition 7,000 men down the
swift Rhine,2 who arrived before the enemy had attempted any-
thing, which proves that what Generall Cecill said was right, for
had Don Luis de Velasco known in what state the town was in,
and how the few soldiers who garrisoned it were astonished and
alarmed at beholding such a vast army before their gates, hee
might have made but a Sport and Game of the towns and men . .
. . hee that should have taken them napping it seems was in a
slumber himself, for he laye ten daies before the towne loytring
and playeing the Trewant. . . . Old soldiers in the garrison who
had been at the siege of Ostend said they were sure the Marquis
Spinola was not before the towne by their proceedinges. . . .
I cannot understand what Don Luis de Velasco did in this
interim, except he was studying the Mathematicks to inhable
himself for the seige."
1 This manuscript journal, in its details of the siege, corresponds very exactly
with A Journall or Daily Register of all those war-like achievements which
happened in the siege of Berghen up Zoome, &c., &c., translated out of the original
Low Dutch, and printed in 1622.
2 Crosse says the Prince of Orange despatched some ships from Skinckesconce
with twenty-four companies of Dutch, French, English, and Scotch, under the
command of Colonels Fama and Henderson (p. 1420).
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 1 9
The author describes how the garrison made up for the
Spanish commander's idleness by repairing their outworks,
and he then narrates how he had the honour to wait
upon General Cecil on that officer's coming into the
town before the enemy made their first approaches, and he
overheard General Cecil say to Rhyhoven x (governor of the
town), when walking upon the ramparts with Colonel
Henderson (the British commanding officer in Bergen), that
the enemy would approach that night, and he wished them
to double the watch and to keep firing all night.
By next morning the enemy had advanced within half a
musket shot of the hornworks. A council of war was held,
and it was determined to sally forth with two or three
hundred men.
" The Governor, Colonell Henderson, and Generall Cecill, who
was but a looker on," continues our author, " went out together,
but it seemes [General Cecil] sawe more than those who should
have plaide the game, for they both asked his advice. The
Governor confessed his ignorance in fortification and that hee
never commanded foote; hee is a Colonell of horse, and is
esteemed one of their ablest comanders of horse. Colonell
Henderson, beinge a discreet and valiant gentleman, conferred with
Generall Cecill, who was his great friend and his Generall at
Gulicke. I stood close by, and heard what hee said and I sawe
what hee did. Hee told the Governor and Colonell H. that they
must be good husbands of their men, for, said hee, you shall see
with small bodyes I will doe the same effect as with great ones ;
soe hee sent [out] a Lieutenant with fiftie musketteers and seconds
upon seconds. This skirmish lasted all the morning.2 At length hee
did what hee desired, which was to beate theire enemys from the
line and the little hedges which served them as under covert to
come to the foot of the outworks."
1 Commander of Dutch cavalry.
2 This sortie was on August I. — Dutch Journal of siege.
C 2
2O LIFE AND TIMES OF
The completion of the outworks went on slowly on
account of the enemy's fire, which killed divers men and
ounded others. The British troops were conspicuous for
their bravery.
" I sawe them run on and give fire in their Enemy's faces,"
writes our author, " and they would leavy in leaning on their
[musket] rests and looke after their shott, as though they had
been so many fowlers which watch to see the fowl fall that they
may be sure of the body.
"Before Generall Cecill and his Company [party] came to
Bergen, those of the towne had made a grand sally of three
thousand.1 This was the first and greatest piece of service."
Describing this sally, our author says : —
" The English and Scotch had the van, the Dutch the battaille
and the French the rere. They marched in length or tailwise,
and the van making more hast than good speede, was at the
Enemyes quarter and gone on, before the rere was out of the
towne. The fault was laid on the French that they were too
slow, though they have the reputation of being nimble footed and
quick heeled ; but it seems then by their pace they delighted more
in one of our English measures than in a French curranto ....
our men goe on bravely : rushinge and thronginge upon one point
(as in a crowd), they hendered one another. It was great pittie,
for sure they had repulsed the enemy ; yet at length beinge over-
done with multitudes, and not bringing half of their owne men in
fight, they were beaten backe and forced to retreate, in which
retreate they were in great disorder, and had it not been for
Monsieur de May,2 a horse Captaine, our side had receaved a
great overthrowe. His troop of horse made the retreate and
fought bravely, for hee hurt [wounded] and tooke the Cornet
prisoner, and soe disordered their troope of Horse that the
Captaine ran a bride abatue to Antwerpe, with some thirtie horse
and tould those of the Towne that theire men were beaten out of
1 On July 22. — Dutch Journal of siege.
2 De Mets, captain of French cavalry.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 21
their trenches, and that all was lost, for which newes hee was
hanged for his paines. Wee had foure troopes of horse and the
enemy had sixe, but our horsemen had a pretty stratagem to affright
and amaze the enemy, for they set their boys with truncheons in
their hands 1 afarr of[f] that they appeared soe many troopes more
to second them, which made both the horse and foote to retreate.
. . . There was one Captain Seton slaine, who was newly made
Captaine, a valiant and hopefull gentleman ; and there was one
Capt. Courtney hurt, who was hurt again in Bergen. This Captaine
is of Gen. Cecill's Reg*, and he esteemes him to be an extraordinary
brave souldier. There was likewise Capt. Fardinando Carey, who
then receaved a wound, which is a reward and mark of honor for
his brave service. Gen. Cecill could make no long stay at Bergen
by reason his Excellency expected him daily in the field, but that
time hee was there hee was alwayes in action, either giving direc-
tions for sallies, or visiting the outworks and viewing the sally
ports. . . . When Gen. Cecill left the Towne I observed the
chiefes to be much troubled, especially the Governor, who was to
blame to send his wife and children out of the Towne, for this ex-
ample wrought upon the poor Burghers. . . . Col. Henderson and
the rest of the Captaines though they could not feare, yet they did
mistrust the Towne, but my Generall did cry ' courage, I am con-
fident wee must releeve you, for,' said hee, ' both our rests are up.'
" When Gen. Cecill had made his report of the state of the
towne to his Exc. and that the Marquis Spinola [was] come2 (which
wee understood by certaine runaways), and had begun to make his
approaches, his Excy called for his mapp and inquired whether
they approached upon Kick of the Pott (sic] or the Haven ? 3 Gen.
Cecill showed him at what bulwarke they pointed and drewe their
lynes at, and that they ran quite another course. His Exc. began
to argue with him by reason the Marquis Spinola was so long before
1 Crosse mentions the "horseboys" being sent with "white staves" in their
hands to a rising ground some distance off (p. 1424).
8 Spinola arrived at the Spanish camp on July 28 with additional forces. —
Ibid. p. 1420.
3 The haven or harbour was to the east of the town. The fort of Kick-de-
Pott, on the south-east of the town, was a most important outwork, and the
Spaniards kept up a strong fire against it. — Ibid. p. 1423.
22 LIFE AND TIMES OF
hee came, and his manner of approachinge being contrary to ex-
pectation and reason, hee was confirmed in his opinion that hee
[Spinola] had some other designe, in making a faint at Bergen, to
thrust home at Bridaugh [Breda] or the Grave. His Excellency
assured himself that the Marquis knewe the towne as well as hee,
and hee imagined hee could not be so mistaken, by reason the
Prince of Parma had shewed him the waye long before ; l for hee
went the right way to worke though hee had the wrong end of the
staffe. Hee drewe his line directly upon the Haven. Generall
Cecill tould his Excy the next newes hee heard hee should be
certaine the Marques would make a winter seige of it, except hee
[Prince Maurice] intended to releeve the towne, which at length
hee would be constrained to doe, and that they would find their
error in not approachinge upon Kicke of the Pott and the Haven,
which they did at length, though they lost a great deale of time
(which is the thinge of greatest consequence, especially in matters
of fortification).
The chronicler of this siege now proceeds to describe, in
his own pedantic style, the heavy fire kept up by the
Spaniards against the town, " which made the inhabitants
think their day of judgment was come." 2
1 The Prince of Parma had besieged Bergen in 1588. The town is situated
on a stream connected with the Scheldt, and is bounded on the east by the
island of Tholen, which is only separated from the mainland by a narrow
stream. This stream (the Vosmeer) was, at the time we write of, practicable
for wading at very low tide. It was along the bed of this stream that Parma
sent a large force one night to capture Tholen, the key to Bergen, on the east
side but the Spaniards could not effect a landing, and were forced to retreat
with great loss.
2 According to the Dutch journal of the siege, most of the citizens of Bergen
so soon accustomed themselves to the incessant cannonading and perpetual
storm of falling bullets, that they paid little or no attention to them. A good
story is told in this Dutch journal of a citizen who bragged of his courage to a
soldier on the ramparts, and said he wished a bullet would wound him that he
might have an honourable scar. As the citizen left the ramparts the soldier
slyly picked up a bullet, and threw it at the citizen's retreating head. The
sudden blow on the back of his head made the valiant citizen believe he had
received his death wound, and he fell on the ground crying out he was killed.
When convinced of his error he was anxious to find the bullet that had struck
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 23
" Cannon raked and wounded the earth, but the earth resisted and
deaded the fury of the bulletts. There was such a perpetuall fogg
and mist of gunpowder, as one would have thought the clouds were
broken and fallen upon the earth. At every myne that was sprunge
the heavy earth would spout and shoot herself upward, and poure
downe like a suddaine storme and tempest, soe the earth seemed to
be sky and the sky earth. Yet for all this allarum his Exc. was too
backwards in sending those supplies of men, Cannon and Ingen-
eers, which wants Generall Cecill put him often in mind of."
It was as this critical time that the gallant Colonel Hender-
son was slain " in a terrible fight which lasted a night and a
whole morning."
" I will say nothing in commendation of Colonell Henderson,"
says our author; "his owne actions commend him in the highest
degree, for hee stood all the fight in as great danger as any
common souldier, still encouradging, directing, and acting with
his Pike in his hand. At length hee was shot in the thigh ; hee
receaved his wound at the front, or, as most say, being over
earnest, hee stepped into his enemy's trenches. Soe hee was
nothing but spirit and courage. Hee shewed it cheefly in his
devotion and in his earnest calling upon God in his time of sick-
nes, and hee was so willinge to dye that hee made but a recreation
of it ; for after he had receaved the Sacrament hee remembered his
friends very chearfully, and being extreme[ly] hott, hee asked his
Phisitian [for leave] to drinke some water; soe his Phisitian
(seeing hee was but a dead man) let him have his will. Hee
dranke five healthes ; the first was to the King, the second to the
Prince, the third to the Queen of Bohemia, the fourth to the
Prince of Orange, and the last to the Earle of Marre.1 When hee
had done hee desired his brother2 to thrust him down into his
bed, and soe tooke his leave of this miserable life."
him. The facetious soldier picked it up, but refused to give it to the citizen
unless he gave him a piece of money and a bottle of wine. This the citizen
did, wishing to show the bullet to his family.
1 John Erskine, 7th Earl of Mar, who died 1634.
2 This was doubtless his brother Francis Henderson, who obtained the
colonelcy of this Scotch regiment on the death of his gallant brother. " Sir
24 LIFE AND TIMES OF
In this same action Sir Michael Everard, a gallant
English captain, received a mortal wound.
" Wee may easily imagine the fury of this fight," says the old
chronicler, " when wee doe but consider how much pouder was
spent. I heard it reported by the States themselves that in the
compasse of twelve houres those of the towne shott 12,000 pounds
of powder. It was thought those of the other side lost eight or
nine hundred men. . . . After the losse of Colonell Henderson,
his Exc. was much moved, and conferred with Gen. Cecill, and
as hee made use of his councell and advise, soe hee would have
used his person, which Gen. Cecill was never dainty of, but hee
knowes the States very well, for as they are the best paimasters, so
are they the worst rewarders. Therefore hee had reason to make
his conditions beforehand, in which hee did value his honor more
than his profitt. Besides, hee did consider hee was to succeede
one who had been Colonell under him at Juliers, and that hee
had been the Kinge of England's Generall. Yet hee was soe
willing to goe that his demands were not soe great as the States
free offer to Sir ffrancis Vere where hee went into Oastend, for
they made him Governor and Generall over all. Gen. Cecill's
conditions were theis. Hee demanded to be Generall of the
English and Scottish, and not to be onder the Governor, and to
bee Governor of the towne if hee [the Governor] dyed. To have
the disposinge of the places as they should fall [vacant], and he
would warrant the towne on the English side as long as he lived.1
His Exc. could not find fault with those conditions, but the States
are onwillinge any stranger should be Governor of their fronteere
townes (which if the Low Countries ever suffer it will bee for the
want of good Governors), yet if Colonel Morgan had miscarryed,
Francis Henderson is a man well deserving the preferment," wrote Sir D.
Carleton to the Duke of Buckingham, " but much wrong is done to my Lord
of Bucklugh who had a formal act of the States for the next regiment should
fall of the Scottish nation in theyr service." August 25, 1622. — S. P. Holland.
1 Cecil's conditions are mentioned also by Sir D. Carleton in his letter to
Buckingham (August 25). " This command," he writes, " was first offered
Sir Edward Cecyll as eldest Coronel, but he refused it unlesse he might have
a Comission equal to that wherewith Sir Fras. Vere entered into Ostend,
with the government of the towne, with the outworkes [which] as it is now in
practise will not admit of without a general discontent. ' — S. P. Holland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 25
sure the towne had been in a desperate case, and it is very
probable his Exc. would have taken Gen. Cecill at his word, which
I am sure hee would have performed willingly; but God bee
praised it was a great deal better for all parts [parties].
" His Exc. made choise of Sir Charles Morgan, a noble and
worthy gentleman, to succeed Colonel Henderson, who revenged
his death and did our nation a greate deal of honor. Hee carryed
a supply of 2,000 men,1 and order for Artillery, and his Exc. sent
him one Captaine Clarke of Gen. Cecill's Regiment, a famous
Ingeneere." 2
The arrival of Colonel Morgan with succours gave
new life to the garrison, and our author, after carefully
chronicling all the encounters with the enemy, in which
Sir Charles Morgan and his troops gained the advantage,
complains bitterly of the injustice done to the British
in the Low Country wars by Dutch writers, who give
their own countiymen all the praise of actions done by the
English. The battle of Nieuport is given as an instance
of a battle being won by the valour of the British.
" In this memorable battle of Newport," continues the same
writer, " our countrymen appeared in their likenes. The world
knowes Sir Francis Vere made that ever admired fight with the
English at this battaile, and that hee complayned of the Dutch
which should have seconded them, but did not. And after hee
was hurt and had lost much bloud, and most of his men and was
carryed of[f], General Vere, his brother, made that famous and
memorable stand when the Van was beaten in peeces, and
mayntained the fight when hee had not left 500 men of 3,000.
Soe it was still expected [i.e. our defeat] when the enemy should
1 Colonel Morgan and his succours arrived on August 26, the communication
with Bergen-op-zoom being open by water. Soon after this many volunteers
of high rank came to Bergen, to aid in the defence of the place and learn
the art of war. Amongst them were Sir William Nassau (afterwards Count of
Mceurs), Lord Mountjoy, Sir Robert Oxenbridge with his two brothers, Henry
and William ; W. Wentworth, Esq., and others. — Crosse, p. 1441.
2 Special mention is made of this scientific officer in Dutch Journal, p. 26.
26 LIFE AND TIMES OF
have had the execution of our men, but the Horse (which was not
so outmached as the foote) was the cause of the sudden alteration
and the turning of the battaile. And those of the other side doe
at this present relate the true occasion and reason, for that they
say a Colonell of theirs bringing up a Regiment of Horse in
charge, a cannon bullett by accident raked off both his armes, and
his horse being loose turned head, and the whole Reg* followed in
great disorder and fell upon their own foote, which amazed the
rest of the Army. His Exc. seeing the whole Army in disorder
commanded his last reserve of horse (which were all English) to
make a home charge. They put in execution very fortunately his
Exc. direction, and it was Gen. Cecill's good hap (whoe was then a
Captain of horse) to charge and rout the Archduke's owne gard
of Harcabucas [Harquebusiers] being [wearing] blacke Velatt
[velvet] coats, and tooke two or three of the Archduke's servants
prisoners and gott of his [the Archduke Albert's] owne silver
dishes. And I heard his [Gen. Cecill's] Lieutenant, Capt.
Bowyer, say, if his Exc. would have given them leave to follow
the execution, hee made no question but they might have taken
the Archduke prisoner. For this peece of service his Exc. made
Gen. Cecill a Colonell of horse. Soe this Battaile was begun,
continued and ended by the English. Not to trouble you now
with any more examples (though I could name divers), wee might
have seen at Bergen that the Dutch desired to see their shades
and the English had rather see their swordes.
" Thus much of the defendinge and beseiging of Bergen op
Zome, nowe of the releevinge."
The author tells of the great preparations made by the
Prince of Orange for relieving Bergen-op-zoom, how he
drew all his best troops from most of the garrisons, and
filled their places with companies of citizens.
" His [the Prince's] Randevous was att Gitterin Berck [Ger-
truydenberg], where Count Mansfield mett him. Hee used Count
Mansfield verie respectively, but with all kept his grandeza, for
hee received him in a Roome of State and made an offer to bring
him out, but did not. The most externall honor his Exc. did
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 27
Count Mansfield was, that after hee was out of the yard hee sent
to speake with him and then hee walked out to meete him.
Count Mansfield respected his Exc. as his Generall, and in his
oath hee was sworne servant to the States and Gen. of his owne
troopes to be commanded by his Exc. Next day his Exc. went
to his house and Signory of Bridaugh [Breda], where the Duke of
Brunswick lay to be cured of his wound. The Duke attended
him at the [town] gate and behaved himself as his son, standing
bare. His Exc. is a man of ceremony. Hee saluted the Duke
and spake theis words, Vous avezfaict en brave homme.
" The States' army and Count Mansfield's troopes marched the
next morning from Gitterin Berck to Bridaugh. They marched
not together, but passed by two severall ports of the towne. His
Exc. staid that day to see Count Mansfield's troopes pass by
[march past ?], which Count Mansfield shewed with as much art
and advantage as might bee, and both horse and foot marched
in excellent order. His Exc. before had sent Monsr Marquett,
Lieutenant-Generall of the horse, to visit the troopes, soe hee knewe
them as well as Count Mansfield himself. Though the men were
ill-horsed and most of them carreyed no armes, yet they were
properable men. His Exc. seemed to like both horse and man.
Hee comended the foote verie much, which were verie well
accommodated and proper men. Count Mansfield's forces were
about 7,500, whereof 4,500 horse and 3,000 foote. Wee tarried
but a night at Bridaugh. Next day, till wee came to Rozendale *
(which is two little daies march from Bridaugh), wee expected the
Enemye.
" On Sunday morning the whole Army was on Rozendale heath,
which his Exc. drewe out in Battalia. This was a sight able to
have wrought upon a coward, and would have served as a whet-
stone to set an edge upon any blunt appetite to see betwixt seaven
and eight thousand horses together moving in so many bodies like
so many clouds ; the generall neighing of the beasts expressed a
kind of joy and laughter Then to hear three or four
hundred Trumpetts sounding as though they had ben an houst
[host] of God's Angells sent to usher and conduct them. Then
About a league from Bergen-op-zoom.
28 LIFE AND TIMES OF
againe to see the Pikes stalke as though it had ben a movinge
grove or coppice and the Musketteers which flanked them seemed
as a fence or hedge. And that which affected me most, to see
the English Regiments in the Van (which were above 6,000), and
to heare our most famous and renowned English march beaten ;
wee thought the drumms did echo victorie and the whole Army
was so chearfull and confident that every poore souldier would
shrugg and show an itching desire to fight. . . . The whole
Army was about 24,000, but they passed for 26,000. Never
Army was in better equipage. They drewe 70 peeces of Artillery,
great and small. To every Manapall (sic) or Battalion there was
allowed two of his Exc. newe devised peeces called Drakes.
There was at least 5,000 waggons loaden with all provisions
necessary for such an Army. Gen. Cecill should have commanded
his Exc. Brigade as Sir ffrancis Vere did at the battle of Newport,
and I make no question if they had fought butt he would have
gott as much honor that day by commanding the foote as hee did
at the Battaile of Newport by commanding the horse ; hee is
esteemed [considered] which [by those who] knowe him perfectly
to bee verie like both his Masters, his Exc. and Sir ffrancis Vere,
in having the method of the one and the daring of the other.
" But meethinks I perceive many of our yonge and brave spirits
whoe, because they have performed a duell well, suppose themselves
capable to censure and judge of Armyes and Generalls. Theis are
impatient and importunate to knowe whether his Exc. would have
fought or no. There are others who happily have been Comanders
in the States service, and beinge discontented have quitted their
Companies, and live in Garrison in the good Towne of London
and hould their Councell of Warre in a taverne. Theis are those
which are the cause of the lazines and ignorance of our youth ; for
they will teach them to roar and vapour, and make them beleeve
they are capable of any commaund. I have been in the company
of one of these by chance whoe (when hee hath been in the midst
of his cupps) hath shewed himself so valiant and ambitious, that
meethought I sawe the briske clarret boylinge and seethinge out
of his braine and his thoughts all in a flame, soe the whole man
appeared unto mee like a gallant [gallon] of burnt claret. Hee
would often wish himself a Generall, and though hee never sawe
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 2Q
mee before (I thank him) hee would make mee a Colonell amongst
the rest of his company. It is good sport to heare this kind of
people censure, which they will do both when they are drunk and
sober. They will begin with the Prince of Orange, and not stick
to say hee is a ranke coward ; and as they will make a valiant man
a coward, soe they will make a coward a valiant man, and commend
and disparage this and that Colonel of such and such a Nation.
" In the meantime, theise adopted and newe christened souldiers
take the allarum hot and infect their companions, and by con-
sequence all the youth of the Towne of London are thus poisoned.
. . . Noe marvaile the Prince of Orange hath suffered by such
impostures as theise when divers of his own Captaines and
souldiers are most forward and apt to censure him. I have knowne
others (who seemed more forward than the rest) would tell mee
they feared nothinge but that they should have no fightinge work,
and that let them say what they would they knewe his Exc. durst
not releeve the towne of Bergen. But when I saluted them in [on]
the march and asked them what they thought nowe, they wanted
their Bone [Beaune ?] wine and pulled their hattes over theire eyes,
when as before they putt up their broad brims and looked as though
they would have shott theire enemyes through with their eyes. . . .
There are likewise some ould Comaunders which are weary of the
Warres, and having gott some meanes desire to retire themselves,
and if they may not put of [part with] their Companies upon what
Conditions they please, they will speake ill and raile upone his
Exc. and the States, and disparage the country as much as they
can. I have knowne some which are esteemed brave Comaun-
ders to doe the like and have shewed more feare to loose [lose]
their money than their lives, for when they have been wounded
they would scarce goe to the charge of the Chirurgeon. There
are many Captaines and officers which buy and value the title
above the Comaund, and it hath bin often seen by experience
that their [there] have been those which have bought a Company
one yeare and soulde it the next. Soe likewise for officers, for they
thinke it a brave thinge at their returne to be noted in the streetes
and called out of a Taverne windowe to drink a quart of wine by
the name of Captaine, Lieutenant, or Ancient [Ensign] such a
one. Theis, though they looked sneakingly and were shamfast
3O LIFE AND TIMES OF
[shamefaced] in an Army, will talk bouldly of the Prince of Orange
and discourse of leaguers, and every word that falls from their
mouthes is a word of Art in souldiery ; nothing but Demilunes,
Ravelinges, Parapetts, Counterscarfes (sic), and Hornworkes.
*****
" As soone as his Exc. entered into the Dorpe of Rozendale,
wee had no sooner sett our Avenewes of Horse but a troope of
the enemye's horse charged our Centinels and made them retire,
and fell upon our gard of horse. They came up daringly and
fought bravely. There were three of the Enemye's [troopers]
slaine by a squadron of our Musketteers which lay in ambuscado
behinde a hedge and wee tooke two prisoners ; yet they had what
they came for, and took a prisoner which was bravely don, and soe
[they] retired to seaven other troopes of horse which were ready
to second them. It seems Spinola would hardly beleeve (though
hee knewe his Exc. would releeve the Towne) that hee was soe
neere, or that hee was growne so bould of a suddaine to seeke
him. So it seems the Prince of Orange came sooner than he was
expected, for that night the Marquis set his Quarters on fire.1
From Rozendale wee sawe the flame perfectly, and wee did
imagine onely that the horse which had beaten the enemy from
Woe [Wouw], a castle two miles and a half of[f], was the cause
that the enemy quitting the place had set some Barne, where
their forage was, on fire. Soe his Exc. gott not word till the
next morning that the Enemy was risen, and the newes came to
him but by one man, and it was three or foure o'clock of the after-
noone before it was seconded [followed], soe there was no stirring
for him that day."
In describing the state the enemy's camp was found in,
the writer says : —
" Spinola shewed a great deal of distraction, for he forgott his
Gods and left his Altars behind him, and there were divers images
1 October 2. On October 6 a body of troops was detached from Bergen
to retake the small town of Steenbergen, which lies due north of Bergen, and
which had been taken by the Spaniards at the commencement of the siege. It
was immediately surrendered to the States' troops.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 3!
found ; amongst the rest I heard it reported there was found a
Medallion which was sent unto him from the Jesuites of Antwerpe
with the picture of our Lady of [on] the one side and the figure
and motto of Victoria on the other. I will not swear that this is
true, but I am sure whether hee left the Medalia or not, yet hee left
the thinge which was the Victorie itself behind him.1 . . . The
Prince of Orange's welcome to Bergen was so great that one of
the States [deputies] in the towne who should have made a con-
gratulatory oration was not able to speake. . . . Another of the
States [deputies] supplied his place with a short and hastie speech.
His wordes were ' WELCOME OUR PRINCE.' ' Noe,' said the
Prince, ' I am your servant, and I have but done my duty.' What
they wanted in wordes they supplied in deedes, for they laid a
generall imposition that every head over [in] the seaven Provinces
should pay a Guilder, which is two shillings English, as an ex-
traordinary towards the warres. The people were so pleased and
transported at the releevinge of the Towne that in that fit they
would have given them silver to their shirts. Ffor a week together
there was nothing but drinking, singing, bonefires and a perpetuall
concourse of people from Holland and Zeland.2 .... The
prison gates were set open and everie man and woman had the
shackells of feare knocked of[f] their leggs."
Nothing now remained but to exchange and ransom
those officers of the States' army who had been taken
prisoners by the Spaniards since the commencement of
the summer campaign. Chief among the prisoners taken
by the Spaniards was the Duke of Saxe-Weimar, whose
capture was named by Sir Edward Cecil in his letter to
Lord Middlesex of August 13. Our ancient chronicler
thus refers to the ransoming of this gallant prince in one of
1 According to the Dutch Journal, the enemy lost ll,ooo men during this
siege, and the besieged only 600 (p. 29).
2 There were great rejoicings in London when it was known that Spinola
had raised the siege, and the Dutch commissioners then in London had a
display of fireworks, &c. Chamberlain to Carleton, Oct. 5 [o. s.]. — S. P. Dom.
32 LIFE AND TIMES OF
the closing paragraphs of his narrative of the siege and
relief of Bergen-op-zoom : —
" There is a new Quarter concluded which is by the Enemye's
own seeking. There was two Commissioners deputed on both
sides for the ransoming of Prisoners, especially the Duke of
Wimarke, who was but a horse captain, yet being of so great a
blood (as hee is the true Duke of Saxe by all right), Spinola would
not let him be ransomed without acquainting the Infanta, and
shee would heare first out of Spaine. ' Oh,' said his Ex., smiling,
' sure Munsr le Marquis thinks I begin to dote, doth he think
hee can put his old gross cheekes and slurres of lingrings and
deferringes upon mee ? ' After he had sent many Trumpets to and
fro to Count Henry de Bergh (who tooke him) and to Spinola,
at length hee despatches his Commissioners with a peremptory
message to Marquis Spinola [to] send him his prisoner, the Duke
of Wimarke, or ells hee would breake the Quarter presently and put
all to the sword. At this time wee had many prisoners of the
enemye both horse and foot. The Commissioners from Spinola
excused the retayning of the Duke, that they did it because they
desired to have the honor to cure him and restore him safe and
sound. Soe they kept their words against their wills, for after so
many puttings off at length hee was ransomed."
Thus was brought to an entirely successful conclusion
the Relief of Bergen-op-zoom. It was unhappily the last
gleam of sunshine that cast a bright halo upon the
military career of Maurice of Nassau.
The first news the ex-King of Bohemia heard on his
return to Holland was that Tilly had taken Heidelberg.1
A few weeks after, Mannheim surrendered after one of the
most gallant defences on record, and Frankenthal, the only
place now left to Frederick in the Palatinate, could not
hold out many weeks. While these nails were being
Roger Coke's Detection of Court and Sta'e of England, &c., i. p. 133.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 33
driven into Frederick's coffin, slowly but surely, James
was still pursuing his negotiations for peace with the
Emperor, the King of Spain, and the Archduchess. Of all
these three foreign rulers the widowed archduchess was
the only one who really wished for peace, and who really
had tried to stem the torrent which swept away with
irresistible force the hereditary dominions of the exiled
Frederick. Whether her reasons were disinterested matters
not, as unfortunately her voice had but little influence with
those whom she tried to sway. And the remonstrances
and futile threats of James I., King of Great Britain,
transmitted to Vienna and Madrid by his ablest diplo-
matists, were productive of nothing but empty words and
promises which were never meant to be kept when they
were made. Despite of negotiations, remonstrances, and
Protestant discontent, Ferdinand II. carried out what he
had long secretly planned in his heart. He transferred the
Palatinate to his colleague and friend Maximilian, Duke of
Bavaria, a man well competent to keep it. " Such," says
an old writer, " was the effect of King James's three years'
negotiations in favour of his son-in-law, who was at length
stript of his dominions and dignities."
In the meantime Sir Horace Vere, the brave defender of
Mannheim, had returned to England, after disbanding the
English regiment which had accompanied him to Germany
in 1620. Many of the men were transferred to General
Cecil's regiment * by the King's command. Vere's arrival
in London is thus referred to by one who knew him : —
1 " We have not anything from the Low Countries but that General Vere was
discharging his men and putting them into General Cecil's regiment by order
from hence ; yet Captain Knollys and Captain Thornen [Thornhurst ?] being
put to sea with their companies, before the order was come, are since
arrived at Gravesend, yet not permitted to land, but to return to serve the
States when the wind shall serve. From to Rev. Jos. Mead, Jan.
18, 1622-3. — Court and Times of James /., ii. p. 355."
VOL. II. D
34 LIFE AND TIMES OF
" On Saturday [Jan. 28 ?] arrived here the Lord General Vere,
who was next day twice with his Majesty, brought in by the Lord
Marquis Buckingham, graciously received, and kissed his Majesty's
hands, who is said to have acknowledged his good services ....
On Monday forenoon I first sought out Mr. French, the General's
preacher; afterwards Dr. Wells, his physician, after dinner went and
saluted the general himself, and learned from them all that the
day before the yielding up of Manheim Castle they had sustained
two fierce assaults ; that the enemy had received 3,000 fresh men ;
that themselves had not sufficient powder left to serve two
assaults more ; which at their departure thence they carried all
away with them, and more also of the enemy's to make up the
proportion which was agreed upon for them to have ; wanted
water ; had not men enough to defend it [the castle] on the
walls (the citadel being full treble as big as the Tower of
London), each man standing single and a pike's length asunder
and no hope of any succours ; and that had they not yielded when
they did, they must have been, within three days after, taken by
assault and had all their throats cut." 1
Sergeant-Major John Burroughs 2 made an equally brave
defence of Frankenthal, which was besieged by Tilly and
his lieutenant, Count Pappenheim. This last stronghold of
Frederick, Elector Palatine, was, in consequence of a treaty
of sequestration signed in London in March, placed in the
hands of the archduchess on April 14. The garrison
marched out with the honours of war, and a Spanish
governor took possession in the name of the Archduchess
Isabella, who was to hold the place for eighteen months.
" If at the end of that time no reconciliation had been
effected between Frederick and the Emperor, an English
garrison was to be readmitted." 3 This treaty, which James
fondly hoped was to be the precursor of a lasting and
to Rev. J. Mead, Jan. 31, 1623. — Court and Times, ii. p. 360.
2 Knighted by James I. in May, 1623. — Ibid. p. 397.
• Dr. Gardiner's Hist, of England, v. p. 74.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 35
advantageous peace for his disinherited children, was, as
may be readily supposed, a mere sop to stop a troublesome
suitor's mouth, and gain time.
On Feb. 7, in this year, died Sir Edward Cecil's father,
the aged Earl of Exeter, having only survived his little
daughter1 five months. The earl's death and funeral are
recorded in one of the letters of that period : —
" On Thursday, in the afternoon, the Earl of Exeter's funeral
was kept at Westminster. The body was brought from the
Painted Chamber by the Court of Requests down through West-
minster Hall and the Palace into King St., and so by the west
door into the minster. The Archbishop of Canterbury meant to
have preached, but being laid of the gout, Dr. Joseph Hall
supplied his place. By reason of his absence, the Lord of
Carlisle's, the Lord Andover's, two of his own sons that are sick,
and some others, the show was not so great as it should have
been, yet they say there was a fair many ; but in regard there was
neither dinner, supper, banquet, nor so much as a cup of drink ;
it was called a dry funeral." 2
By the death of his father, Sir Edward Cecil became
possessed of Wimbledon House,3 with the estate attached
to it, which had been settled upon him by his father.4
1 "The Lady Sophia Anna Cecill, daur. to the Earl of Exeter, was buried
in St. John Bapt. Chapl, Sept. 15 [1621]." — Westminster Abbey Registers.
2 Chamberlain to Carleton, March 8 (?), 1623.— S. P. Dom. "Thomas
Cecill, Earl of Exeter, was buried in St. John Baptist's Chappell, February 10
[1622-3]." — Westminster Abbey Registers.
3 Sir Thomas Cecil, first Earl of Exeter, having purchased Wimbledon
Manor from Sir Christopher Hatton, began to rebuild it in 1588, two years
before he obtained a grant of the manor by exchange with Queen Elizabeth.
Aubrey calls it " a noble seat," and Fuller describes it as a " daring structure."
See Aubrey's History of Surrey, i. p. 14, and Fuller's Worthies, pt. iii. p. 78.
4 Will of Thomas, first Earl of Exeter, proved Feb., 1622-3, leaves all
goods, chattels, household furniture and plate at Wimbledon to his son, Sir
Edward Cecil ; to his four grand-daughters, daughters of Sir Edward Cecil —
Dorothy, Albinia, Elizabeth, and Frances — each an antique silver bason ; to
his daughters-in-law each too oz. gilt plate ; .£200 to Sir Richard Cecil, and
.£200 to Thomas Cecil. Eldest son sole executor.
D 2
36 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Only a passing reference has been hitherto made to the
projected marriage between Prince Charles and the Infanta
of Spain. It is a subject that cannot be passed by in
silence, for the Spanish marriage was, to use the words of a
modern writer, " the needle in the compass which was to
guide the voyage and destiny of Christian civilisation for
centuries." l For this very reason, if for no other, the great
marriage bubble scheme of the reign of James I. demands
special mention.
As far back as the year 1614, we find James full of the
Spanish marriage scheme, and this one idea shaping the
course of his foreign and domestic policy. While the idea
lasted, England may be said to have been subservient to
Spain, for James, like Tantalus of old, was plunged up to
his neck in a lake, the waters of which always receded
from him whenever he attempted to drink. Over his
head hung branches of fruit which receded in like manner
when he stretched out his hand to reach them, and a rock
suspended over his head was ever threatening to fall and
crush him. Spanish statecraft was the lake James was
immersed in. The fruit which was alternately dangled in
his face and then swung out of his way was the Infanta
with her large dowry, and the overhanging rock, always
threatening to fall and crush him, was war, the very name
of which froze the little marrow there was in his bones
and benumbed him into a state of inglorious repose.
Setting aside the difference of religion, the advantages
of an alliance with Spain were many and great. Spanish
power had not yet begun to wane or Spanish wealth
to diminish. To be King of Spain and the Indies was
the proudest title a European monarch could aspire to.
And being, as Spain then was, a central pillar of that
1 Article in Quarterly Review, cxxxix. p. 25.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 37
colossal structure known as the House of Austria, a
Spanish alliance, offensive and defensive, meant safety,
and consequently peace and prosperity, to the kingdom
happy enough to gain that alliance. James was well
aware of all this, and his wish to keep on good terms with
Spain was the ruling feature of his reign. A Spanish
alliance for his son and heir seemed to him the only way
to unite the two kingdoms in the bonds of friendship.
James was not far-seeing enough to recognise the fact
that even the close ties of marriage and blood are often
entirely forgotten when political difficulties arise between
two or more nations, which drag them, but not necessarily
their allies, into war. The dismemberment of Denmark,
and the absorption of Hanover, in modern times, are good
instances of the inutility of the ties of marriage and blood
between the rulers of two neighbouring kingdoms when
one of them is attacked by an aggressive Power. But
even supposing a Spanish marriage had taken place, all its
good results would have been neutralised by the fact that
the Prince's sister was married to the man who called
himself head of the Protestant party in Germany. There
are few who will not heartily echo the words of a modern
historian who, in remarking upon the King of Great
Britain's plan of marrying his son to a Roman Catholic
princess, after marrying his daughter to the Elector
Palatine, says : — " It seems as if he was purposely intro-
ducing into his own family the disunion which rent Europe
in twain." *
To please Spain, James put Raleigh to death.2 And
when the Elector Palatine was chosen king by the
Bohemians James was partly guided in his obstructive
1 Ranke, i. p. 489.
* Hallam's Constitutional Hist, of England, i. p. 355.
38 LIFE AND TIMES OF
policy by Philip III.'s representations to him that his own
(Philip's) right to the kingdom of Bohemia was indis-
putable, and that he would contend for it with all his
strength.1 To show his trust and friendliness for Spain,
James allowed English ordnance to be shipped to that
country, and at the Spanish ambassador's request he gave
permission for two regiments to be raised in Great Britain
to serve under the Spanish flag. The English troops sent
to the Palatinate under Vere, on the eve of the invasion of
the Electorate by Spinola, were barely sufficient to garrison
one town in the Palatinate. In short, the force was just
large enough not to be of any permanent use.. While
Frederick's dominions were being overrun and conquered
by Austrians, Bavarians, and Spaniards, James still trusted
to Spain to bring about a peace between Frederick and the
Emperor — a peace that would result in the latter reinstating
the former in his dominions and dignities. The reward
for this Christian act was to be a firm alliance between
Great Britain and Spain and the Prince of Wales's marriage
to the Infanta. The death of Philip III., in the spring of
1621, and the accession of Philip IV., had greatly favoured
James's matrimonial scheme for the Prince of Wales. It
was said that Philip III. had never really intended giving
his daughter in marriage to Charles, and had merely used
her as a kind of decoy duck to allure James into his net
of political intrigues. The son of Philip II., true to the
ambitious schemes of his house, had thought no more of a
king for a son-in-law when he saw his way to marrying his
daughter to the future Emperor of Austria. His last words
to his son and daughter on his death-bed revealed this
fact.2 The wishes of a dying father were soon forgotten
1 Ranke, i. p. 490.
1 Dunlop's Memoirs of Spain, 1621-1700, i. p. 3.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 39
by the youthful Philip IV., who gave himself up to a life of
pleasure, while all State affairs were left to Count Olivares,
the all-powerful minister and favourite of the young
monarch. Olivares seems to have been distinguished by
patriotism, bigotry, and that dislike of foreigners which has
characterised the Spanish race from the earliest to the
latest times.1 True to the statecraft in which he had been
educated, he dissembled his real feelings and appeared to
fall in with the wishes of Philip, who was as favourably
disposed to the English alliance for his sister as his easy-
going, unstable nature allowed of. Thus the negotiations for
the marriage dragged their weary course through 1621 and
1622, during which period Great Britain lost both honour
and prestige, James, having delivered himself up to the
counsels, or rather the corruptions, of Spain.2 It was in
consequence of the standstill of the marriage negotiations
that the Prince of Wales, inspired by youthful romance
and eager to win the hand of a princess hedged round with
so many difficulties, secretly left England for Spain in
company with the Marquis of Buckingham, in Feb., 1623.
The sudden departure of Charles for Spain caused a great
sensation in England. Buckingham was the only Privy
Councillor who knew of the intended journey, and he was
with the Prince speeding through France en route to Madrid,
when the unwelcome news became generally known. The
King sent a message to the Council to say it was the
doing of the Prince, who wanted to see if he was being
fairly dealt with, and that they (the Council) were not told
" because secresy was the life of the business." 3
1 Abajo el estrangero (Down with the foreigner) was the popular cry when
an ungrateful nation wished to get rid of King Amadeus, their elected
sovereign, a few years ago. Indeed, his being a foreigner seems to have been
his only crime !
2 Burnet's Hist, of His Own Time, i. p. 29.
3 Chamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 22, 1622-3. — •£ ?• Dom.
4O LIFE AND TIMES OF
There was one good result in the Prince's journey to
Madrid — matters were brought to a climax. For seven
years had this marriage treaty been in progress, and when
it seemed on the point of completion, it suddenly collapsed
altogether. Pope Urban VI II., Olivares,1 and Buckingham
(now raised to a dukedom) have all three been severally
accused of wrecking the Spanish marriage ; — the Pope, by
desiring too great concessions in matters of religion from
the present and the future King of England ; Olivares, by
moulding the Spanish Council into his way of thinking
concerning the restoration of the Elector Palatine to his
dominions and dignity by means of Spanish interference —
James had commenced his negotiations with the idea that
Spain could bring such pressure to bear on the Emperor as
to cause him to restore the Palatinate ; but Olivares, the
Buckingham of Spain, had no intention that pressure
should ever be used against Ferdinand and Maximilian ;
Buckingham, by his great influence over Charles, had
no small "share in wrecking the marriage ; added to which
his having quarrelled with Olivares and disgusted the
Spanish Court by his insolence, freedom of manners,
and dissolute habits, set the Spanish people against the
English match. " The root of the failure lies in the
conbination of the religious with the political relations
of the two countries,"2 says a modern historian. This
is very true as regards the root of the business, but
there were other circumstances combined to prevent the
growth of this impossible union. The affection of Charles
for the Infanta died a natural death for want of nourish-
ment. The sight of the princess, who was, as he thought,
1 Gaspar de Guzman, third Conde d'Olivares, Duque de San Lucar de
Barrameda, born 1587, and died 1645.
2 Ranke, i. 516.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 41
to be the partner of his life, aroused his passion for her to
fever-heat ; but Spanish etiquette forbid all private inter-
views between them, and the Prince found to his chagrin
that the Maria of his dreams was as far removed as ever
from him. He saw her occasionally in public and even
spoke to her, but his words were necessarily those of a
courtier and not of a lover, while her answers were mere
expressions of stereotyped formality. Her deeply religious
nature made it an easy task for her confessor to pull her
heart-strings in the direction wanted, and, as Olivares
controlled the confessor, the poor Infanta1 became a mere
mechanical State machine. She was, in fact, more a slave
than the poorest wretch in the Spanish galleys. While the
flame of the Prince's passion burnt brightly, Olivares and
the Council ground him and bound him down to signing
conditions which were highly dishonourable in him as a
Protestant Prince to sign, and still more dishonourable in
him if he only signed them with the intention to break
them at some future time. Whatever Charles may have
meant when his passion for the Infanta was at its height,
it is very certain his feelings underwent a great change
before he left Spain, and that he left that country deter-
mined to break off the match as soon as he was at a safe
distance, notwithstanding all the articles he had signed
and ratified, even going so far as to sign the proxy for his
marriage on the day of his departure.
The Prince and Buckingham sailed from Santander
on Sept. 1 8, and arrived at Portsmouth on Oct 5. The
following day the Prince passed through London on his
way to join the Court at Royston. His arrival in the
1 The Infanta Maria, who had been the destined bride of Charles, was
married some years afterwards to the King of Hungary, who became emperor
by the title of Ferdinand III. She died in childbed in 1646. — Dunlop, i.
p. 103.
42 LIFE AND TIMES OF
metropolis was hailed with joy by the people, to whom the
Spanish marriage had long been most distasteful,1 and the
day was kept as a great holiday. The Londoners were not
mistaken in supposing that Charles's return without his bride
was a hopeful sign that the marriage would not take place,
for soon after the Prince's return it was rumoured abroad
that the Spanish match was broken off, in consequence of
Philip IV. declining to comply with James's request of
bringing about the restitution of the Palatinate. " I like
not," said James, " to marry my son with a portion of my
daughter's tears." 2
To return once more to Sir Edward Cecil. Private
affairs kept him from going over to Holland this year
(1623), and he obtained leave from the Prince of Orange,
through Sir Dudley Carleton, to remain in England,
military affairs being very quiet in the Low Countries this
summer. On June 9, we find the English ambassador at
the Hague writing to Edward Cecil and sending him the
news from the Hague.
SIR DUDLEY CARLETON TO SIR E. CECIL.
' ' MY VERY GOOD LORD,
" . . . . Wee were here this last night surprised by the
sodaine arrivall of my Lady Wallingford,3 who without stay by the
1 A good story is told of the way a country preacher interpreted the order of
the Bishop of London, that the clergy were not to prejudice the Prince's
journey to Spain by their prayers, &c., " but only to pray to God to return
him home in safety, and no more." An honest, plain preacher, being loth to
transgress this order, which really emanated from the King's timid brain,
offered up a prayer in his church, "that God would return our noble Prince
home again unto us, and no more!" Mead to Stutteville, March 29, 1623.
— Court and Times, ii. p. 380.
* Racket's Life of Archbishop Williams, pt i. p. 165.
8 Elizabeth, wife of William Knollys, Viscount Wallingford, and afterwards
created Earl of Banbury. She was daughter of Thomas Howard, Earl of
Suffolk. Her eccentric conduct in concealing the births of her two sons by
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 43
way, or sending before, took her adventure [chance] in finding a
fitt lodging, wch yr Lop knoweth how it might have fayled her
now the towne is full, but it fell out lukly that the Moiran
(bespoken about a week or ten dayes hence for Monsr de
Chastillon) was empty, where she lodgeth conveniently. It gives
new life to this good and gratious Princess 1 to see her old frends,
so as I am very glad when such occasions happen, which doe
minister some entertaynemt, of wch (God knoweth) she hath
neede, for she is otherwise full of discomfort. I have not fayled
to present yr Lop'8 service to her, W* she takes with wonted
kindnes, and asketh mee whether wee shall see yr Lp here this
sumer, as his Excie doth often ; but because yr Lop sayth nothing
of y1 coming, I doubt Wimbleton is so faire a tent to change so
soone with any here, neyther do wee yet know where ors are like
to be pitched, or when wee shall draw into the field ; for I doe not
see there is any designe on eyther side by reason of want of
money, but all will be governed by chance, and this chance
may happen. Tilly is on foote to seeke out Brunswick;
Mansfelt projects to march towards Tilly; Tilly, Anholt and
Cordova follow Mansfelt. Henry Vandenbergh will undoubtedly
follow them. When he stirrs the Prince of Orange will not sit
still, and when his Excy leaves the Hagh, Bruxelles is no place for
the Marquis Spinola. This is like to be the base [of opera-
tions] ; meanwhile all rests in preparation and expectation, and I
rest
" Yr L-P"
" &c., &c.
" D. C.
" Hagh, gth of June,
1623." 2
End. " To G'rall. Cecyll, the 9 of June,
1623, by Davison."
Lord Banbury was the eventual cause of the earldom of Banbury falling into
abeyance. General Sir Wm. Knollys unsuccessfully preferred his claim to this
title in 1808-13.
1 The Queen of Bohemia.
2 Copy of letter from Carleton to Cecil.— S. P. Holland.
44 LIFE AND TIMES OF
SIR E. CECIL TO SIR D. CARLETON.
" MY VERY GOOD LORD,
" I am to give yr lo. many thanekes for the dispensatione it
pleased yr lo. to procure mee from his Ex., and I hope it is
fallene oute at a very fitt tyme, when littell is to be done, for that
much of the tyme is now spent that must be to be imployed in
seages .... I hope God will so assist our great Captayne that
wee shall not loose [lose] the Contrie by Howie salle [wholesale].
But I doe imagine the lesse the[y] doe this yeare the more the[y]
will doe the neaxte yeare, for the longer an enime is in prepar-
ing he is to be feared so much the more.
" I shall not neede to advertis yr lo. from heance, for that yr lo.
hath the returne of yr beaste [best] friend and soliceture, [and]
that ther is littell unknowne to her heare that is worthy of yr lo.
knowledge ; and she can not chuse (sic), for she hath beeyn so
much made one [on], and so much honored of all, both great
and littell, that what she desiered was in her power to knowe,
for by her curtisie and good fatione she hath altered my lo.
Thesaurers [Lord Treasurer's] flinty dispositione in affablenes,
and redy pamente. For pore men as myselfe, she hath nether
givene us occatione or leave to do her any servis, for wch I am
sory, for that I reast still in deabte, not able any way to requitte
the least of yr lo. and my la. [Lady Carleton] favors. But I hope
I shall be happier for the tyme to come, when it shall please God
to see yr lo. heare, and at wimbleton, wch plase I hope shall not
displease y°. And so wishing yr lo. as much happines as yr harte
can desier, I reast,
" yr lo. most affectionat servant
"to be commanded,
"Eo. CECYLL.
" From my house at wimbleton,
this 10 of September." x
End. " From Generall Cecyll the
10 of September, 1623."
S. P. Holland, 1623.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 45
On August 3, Sir Edward Cecil's second daughter,
Albinia, was married at St. Mary's Church, Wimbledon,
to Mr. Christopher Wray,1 eldest son of Sir Wm. Wray,
first Bart, of Glentworth, Lincolnshire (only son of Sir
Christopher Wray, Lord Chief Justice of England, 1574-
1 592), by his second wife, Frances Drury, sister and co-heir
with her sisters, Elizabeth, Countess of Exeter, and Diana,
wife of Sir E. Cecil, to Sir Robert Drury, of Hawsted,
Suffolk, Knt. Albinia Cecil was given away at the altar
by her father,2 who was then residing at Wimbledon House
with his family.
The first thing Prince Maurice did on taking the field
in August was to order the ways along the Veluwe to
be made twenty feet broad, from Yssell to Hattem,3 that
troops, waggons, and cannon might march easily if the
enemy should attempt to pass over the Yssel into the
Veluwe, but they durst not adventure anything that
summer.*
An amusing account is given of the conduct of an
English knight, who came to learn soldiering under the
Prince of Orange this summer, in a letter from John
Sackville to Sir Dudley Carleton. This knight, Sir
Anthony Hinton, was introduced by General Vere to the
Prince of Orange, who saluted him, and said, " Parlez vous
Frangais, Monsieur?" Hinton answered, "No, by God's
blood, no more than you do English, and therefore
you may spare your compliments ! " Sackville goes on to
1 For an account of this gentleman, who was knighted by James I. at
Theobalds, in November, 1623, see last chapter in this volume.
2 " 1623. Christopher Wraye, Esqr, and Albinia, his wife, were married
3d August. She was given in marriage by her Honble. Father, Sir Edward
Cecil, Kt, and son to the right honble. Earl of Exeter." — Registers, St. Mary's
Church, Wimbledon.
3 A village near Zwolle. 4 Crosse, p. 1466.
46 LIFE AND TIMES OF
relate a few more eccentricities of this " gentleman "
volunteer.
" He is come here almost like the seven sons of Amon [ Ammon],
for he and his four men have but one horse. He hath his men in
good living, and for himself he hath eighteen suits of apparell, but
fewer and worse would serve him, for he appears nowhere but in
tap-houses ; instead of visiting and waiting on Count Harry, he
goes into a sutler's, and there drinckes drunck. He has never
been sober since he came here. Last night going to the Count I
found him lying druncke on a form in a tap-house, and for all this
his good fellowship, he is miserable, for he cryes, ' thy pott and
myne,' and will not pay a stiver more. I thank God I never did
[such a thing]. Wee will send him back to Arnhem, and they
were best send him to England." 1
The following letter shows General Cecil did not forget
his profession in his retreat at Wimbledon : —
SIR E. CECIL TO SIR EDWARD CoNWAY.2
"SIR,
" Having beeyne of latte a mong my fellow deputies liftenants
of Surry, a boute our musters, I fiend moste of them will not
oute of the owlde beatane waye, that is upon a muster the[y]
will say as the[y] have sayd many yeares to gether, bring better
Armes, and the neaxte tyme the same thinge, wthoute telling them
the[y] must make them of this fation or of that, for there is noe
pattone ; so that if y° meane to have better armes, there muste be a
patonne, and then the depute lifetenants will understand what
armes, where now nether the lifetenants nor the souldires doe
know how to meande there Armes wthoute the pattone, wch is very
necessary. The reasone whie I have wryte these lines is to second
yr owne Noble worke, wch is to bringe this Kindome in to a true
1 John Sackville to Carleton, from the camp near Rees, Sept. 15, 1623. — S. P.
Holland, There was a Captain Sackville in General Cecil's regiment, who
may have been the writer of above letter ?
2 Sir Edward Conway had lately been appointed one of his Majesty's
Principal Secretaries of State.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 47
disepline — a worke so necessary and profitable, that it will be
more to yr honor, till it will make it perpetuall, and showe the world
that there was never till now a professed souldier at that borde,
to wch honor I shall be carefull in what I am able to assiste w"1
my beaste servis. And so not having more to truble yr many
busines, but only wth my humble servis, I reast
« Yre
" to be commanded,
"Eo. CECYLL.
" this Sl Stivene day,
from Wimbleton."
Add. "To the Rig. honorable, and his Noble friend, Sr Ed.
Conwaye, Knight, Secritary of Statt, and one of his
Maies moste honorable previ counselle."
End. " Decemb. 26, 1623,
Sr Edward Cecill
Concerninge Armes."
48 LIFE AND TIMES OF
CHAPTER II.
1624-1625.
Breach with Spain — The new Parliament — Sir E. Cecil elected one of the
barons for Dover — Startling news from Holland — The Dover election
petition — Cecil is unseated, but regains his seat — He is appointed member
of the Council of War — Arrival of Count Mansfeld in London — His
bargain with James — French marriage treaty — Impeachment of the Earl of
Middlesex — Parliament grants the King a large subsidy — Four new English
regiments sent to the Low Countries — Cecil goes over — Spinola prepares
to invest Breda — The Prince of Orange attempts to surprise Antwerp —
Failure of the enterprise — He divides his army into two divisions — Death
of the Earl of Southampton and Lord Wriothesley — Illness of the Prince
of Orange — He retires to the Hague — Cecil's command at Waelwick —
His account of that place — Negotiations with France — Richelieu's trium-
phant policy — The story of Mansfeld's ill-fated expedition.
AFTER the Prince of Wales's return from Spain a new era
may be said to have commenced in England. Everything
was now anti-Spanish. A violent reaction had set in. The
nation, Court, and the Parliament, which had been sum-
moned to meet in February, were all opposed to the
Spanish match and Spanish interests.
" Since my dear brother's return into England," wrote
the Queen of Bohemia to her trusted friend Sir Thomas
Roe, " all is changed from being Spanish, in which I assure
you that Buckingham l doth most nobly and faithfully for
me. Worthy Southampton is much in favour, and all that
are not Spanish." 2
1 It is asserted by Nani, and all the Roman Catholic historians, that the
King of Bohemia offered to Buckingham to unite their families by the
intermarriage of their children. See Miss Benger's Life of the Queen of Bohemia,
ii., p. 212, note. 2 Roe Correspondence.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 49
The two exceptions to this almost universal feeling
against Spain were James and his upright ambassador,
the Earl of Bristol. The old King could not suddenly
renounce the dream of a lifetime without many a bitter
pang and sinking at heart. His minister was of too
upright and noble a character not to see that after all that
had been said, done, and ratified, the Spanish match could
not suddenly be broken off by Great Britain without much
loss of honour to King James and his son. " James knew
he should be disvalued, to the wounding of all good opinion,
if he did not engraft that alliance into his stem, which he
had sought with so much expense of time and cost to
strengthen and aggrandize his posterity," wrote a seven-
teenth century biographer. " And he knew," continues the
same writer, " he should lose honour with all the potentates
of Europe, beside other mischiefs, if nothing were done for
repossessing the Palatinate." l
The old King was not strong enough, morally or
physically, to withstand the strong current that had now
set in. He was carried along with the stream, and was
a mere puppet in the hands of Buckingham, who had
virtually seized, from the uncertain grasp of the poor mon-
arch, the rudder lines which had become so inextricably
twisted. Bristol was recalled from Spain, and Parliament
was summoned to make all due preparations for the storm
that seemed likely to burst over England at any moment.
In this Parliament, the last of this reign, Sir Edward
Cecil was returned as member for Dover, in conjunction
with Sir Richard Young. These two members were nomin-
ated by Lord Zouch, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports.
It was customary for the Lord Warden at this period, and
for long after, to assume the right of nominating, as a matter
1 Racket, ii. p, 167.
VOL. II. E
5O LIFE AND TIMES OF
of course, one (and occasionally both) of the representatives
of the ports.1 This assumption, as may be supposed, was
often productive of much ill-feeling, and, in the case of
Lord Zouch's nominees for Dover, there was, as we shall
presently see, some difficulty in carrying their election and
in establishing their right to sit in Parliament.
Parliament had been summoned to meet on February
12, but was put off till the i6th, and then, by reason of
the Duke of Richmond's sudden death, till the igth. The
King opened Parliament in person.
" He made a very gracious and plausible speech," wrote a
contemporary letter writer, " confessed he had been deluded in
the treaty of the match ; but referring it now wholly to their
consideration whether it should go forward or no, according as
they should see cause upon the Prince's and Duke of Bucking-
ham's relation." 2
" Buckingham delivered to a committee of Lords and Com-
mons a long narrative," says a modern historian, "which he
pretended to be true and complete of every step taken in the
negotiations with Philip ; but partly by the suppression of
some facts, partly by the false colouring laid on others, this
narrative was calculated entirely to mislead the parliament, and
to throw on the court of Spain the reproach of artifice and
insincerity. The Prince of Wales, who was present, vouched for
its truth, and the king himself lent it, indirectly, his authority, by
telling the parliament that it was by his orders Buckingham
laid the whole affair before them. . . . The narrative concurred
so well with the passions and prejudices of the parliament that no
scruple was made of immediately adopting it ; and they immedi-
ately advised the king to break off both treaties with Spain, as
well that which regarded the marriage as that for the restitu-
tion of the Palatinate." 3
1 Oldfield's Representative Hist, of Great Britain, v. p. 355.
2 Chamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 22, 1624. — S. P. Dom.
3 Philip IV., being determined to throw the blame of the rupture entirely on
the English, delivered into Bristol's hand a written promise, by which he
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 51
A few days after the meeting of Parliament, Sir Edward
Cecil was sent to request the King to have a fast for the
happy deliverance of the Prince.1 Public rejoicings, bon-
fires, and anti-Spanish demonstrations, proclaimed the
feelings of the good citizens of London when it became
generally known that the treaty with Spain was broken off.
Whilst these events were taking place in England, an
unusual occurrence had taken place in the Low Countries
which aroused the United Provinces from their accustomed
winter sleep. This occurrence was nothing less than the
sudden appearance on the Dutch frontier of Count Henry
Van den Berg with a large force at his back.
"We have had here a winter war," wrote Sir Dudley Carleton
to one of his English correspondents, "not much unlike our
English boys' play of bidding of base, for Count Henry Vanden-
berg having crossed the Yssell into the Veluwe, he retired to his
passage and then stopt When his Excellency understood of his
making a halt, he stayed likewise without going further. So as
they did one another no great harm." 2
The crossing of the Yssel by the enemy caused much
consternation throughout the States, and the fear of the
consequences reached even to London, where Sir Horace
Vere, Sir Edward Cecil, and other officers who held com-
mands in the States' army were then residing. We find
Vere and Cecil both writing to Sir D. Carleton on receipt
of the unwelcome news,3 and expressing their readiness to
come over if necessary.
bound himself to procure the restoration of the Palatine, either by persuasion,
or by every other possible means. — Hume.
1 Jas. Millington to his brother, February 27. — S. P. Dom,
2 Carleton to Chamberlain, February 24. — Court and Times.
8 Horace Vere to Carleton, February 20. — S. P. Dom. It seems that
Van den Berg, with 7,000 foot and 35 troops of horse, marched to the close
vicinity of a place where the King and Queen of Bohemia were then visiting,
E 2
52 LIFE AND TIMES OF
SIR E. CECIL TO SIR D. CARLETON.
" MY VERY GOOD [LORD],
" Yrlo., y° can not imagine what comforte yr lo. letter hathe
givene to many honest well wishers to the cause of the lowe
countries and espetially to my selfe, whoe before by the generall
repare, wch was more fearefully delivred then the truthe was. For
the wch favore and comforte I am to give yr lo. most humble
thanckes. I fiend as yr lo. did expect that this wholle Kindome
dothe take a great alarome at this accedente, and espetially our
Parlemente, and I hope that this ill accedente will turne to our
good (by God's favore), in the same kind as the Prince's goinge
into Spane, w011 was so terrible to us at the begining ....
upone the generall reporte I was redy to have comde over, had
there beeyne a shipe redy, thoughe I have many extrordinary
busines to have hindered mee ; beside my being of the Parlemente,
where I hope wee shall doe her MUe now servis, or never, for his
MaUe hath given us as muche leave and freedome as wee can
possibly desier, so that if wee have beeyne free in times of lese
liberty, and in tymes that was so much our enimes, y° may please
to letter [let her ?] her Maty know that we will not be negligent e in
these tymes to stricke harde, now that the lorne is so hotte, and
although his Maty dothe give us leave to advise him conserning
the busines of Spane & the Mariadge, yet wee will first begine
wth the setting religione in to his Joynts, that hath beeyne put oute
of Joynte by this Spanishe treaty, and in that designe wee will give
his MatT our beaste advise, for that is that w°h muste sett all
busines righte, for that the Spaniard did us all the harme by
advansing his Religion so far as he did, w011 gave his spite (sic)
heare so muche credit, as hath cast us so farr behinde. I will be
noe longer, but to remember my humble deuty to the Queene, and
my truble servis to yr Noble lady, and reast yr lo.,
" most affectionat to be commanded,
" ED. CECYLL.
" London, this 2 1
of february."
and for a short time much anxiety was felt for the safety of these Royal
persons. — Green's Princesses of England, \. p. 419.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 53
[P.S.] " The comforte heare is that the nues commeth not so
fast conserning this laste ill accedente." *
Add. " For y* lorV
End. " Prov. Unit General Cecyll, the 21 of Febry, red the 28."
The Spanish invaders got as far as Ede, two miles
from Arnhem, where they received intelligence which
caused a general panic among the troops, and they hastily
retraced their steps.2 The sudden thawing of the ice on
the Yssel also added to the enemy's alarm, and Van den
Berg was obliged to recross the river and retire into winter
quarters. So ended the winter campaign.
Returning to the Parliament now assembled at West-
minster, we find from the Journals of the House of
Commons that Edward Cecil was a prominent committee-
man, and, as in the former session, he acted as one of the
Privy Council of the House, as that prominent body of
its members was termed. Early in this session we find
Cecil moving for the breaking off of the Spanish match
" which Spain never intended." 3 And in the debate
on March II, concerning the advisability of a war with
Spain, Cecil said " he remembered the declaration made
last Parliament, and moved that this declaration be now
made good." 4 Sir Edward Coke spoke still more to the
point. " England," said Coke, " never prospered so well as
when she was at war with Spain. If Ireland were secured,
the navy furnished, and the Low Countries assisted, they
need not care for Pope, Turk, Spain, nor all the devils in
hell." 5 The breach with Spain was widening rapidly.
1 S. P. Dom. 1624.
2 Crosse, p. 1469.
3 Commons' Journals, i. p. 675.
4 Common? Journals, \. p. 682.
5 Dr. Gardiner's Hist, of England, v. pp. 194 5.
54 LIFE AND TIMES OF
The day after the above debate a committee from the
Commons (on which committee was Edward Cecil l) went
to the House of Lords to hear the Prince of Wales and the
Duke of Buckingham give their narratives of the nego-
tiations with Spain, which have already been referred to.
It was in consequence of the disclosures made by the
Prince and Buckingham that the two Houses advised his
Majesty to break with Spain, and agreed to give him three
subsidies and three fifteenths, which was equivalent to
;£ 300,000. This sum, by the King's own proposition, was
to be paid to a committee of Parliament, who were to act
as treasurers, and only issue the money for the purposes
intended. These purposes were, for the war likely to
ensue with Spain on the breaking off of negotiations, and,
more especially, for " the defence of the realm, the securing
of Ireland, the assistance of the States of the United
Provinces, and the setting forth of the Royal Navy."
The session was barely a month old when a petition
from the electors of Dover was brought before the House
of Commons praying for an investigation into the return
of Sir Edward Cecil and Sir Richard Young, knights, for
the town and port of Dover, in this present Parliament
The Committee of Privileges found that these knights had
carried themselves fairly;2 but "it was resolved upon
question that the freemen and free burgesses, inhabitants
of Dover, ought to have voice in the election of their
barons 3 to serve in Parliament." * It was also " resolved
upon a second question that the election of Sir E. Cecil
1 Commons' Journals.
2 Commons' Journals, i. p. 748.
3 " The representatives of the Cinque ports in Parliament," says Oldfield,
" are to this day styled barons, because they were formerly, as they still ought
to be, chosen from amongst the inhabitants at large." — Rep. Hist, of Gt.
Brit., \. p. 352.
4 Commons' Journals, as before.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 55
and Sir R. Young is void, and that a new warrant shall go
out for a new choice with expedition, and that these men
may be chosen again if they so please." * Both Cecil and
Young were extremely indignant at being thus summarily
turned out of Parliament, and both wrote to Lord Zouch,
ascribing the petition against them to proceed from the
malice of Sir Henry Mainwaring, who had apparently been
a rival candidate for the seat. Cecil's letter is short and
incisive.
SIR E. CECIL TO LORD Zoucn.2
" MY VERY GOOD LORDE,
"As yr lo. may understand by the Mallis of Sr He.
Manering3 to yr lo. yr tow Burgis ar[e] put out of the Howse,
upon the generall opineone that the Howse hath givene, that
there is noe Burges to be chosene wthoute the choyse of the
Commons by an Antiente lawe of Parlemente, and if this lawe
were so generally followed, as it hath beeyne a gainste us there,
there would be but fewe sitte in parlemente, yet a Blott is noe
blotte till it be hitt, so now it is hitt, therefore if there be any
meanes for us to recover the honour, I humble beseache yr lo.
to take it into yr consideration, for that noe man is more yr lo.
humble servant then is
"Eo. CECYLL.
" this 25, in great haste."
[PJ3.] " I have receaved letters from the Prince of Orange to
warne my Capnes to come over, and my selfe to be there the
firste of Maye." 4
1 Commons' Journals, as before.
2 Edward, nth Baron Zouch, Lord President of Wales, 44 Elizabeth;
Constable of Dover Castle, and Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports ; died
August, 1625.
3 Captain Sir Henry Mainwaring had been Lieutenant of Dover Castle
under Lord Zouch, but had been dismissed from that post for his many
misdemeanours. He tried hard to get reappointed to his former post, and
did all in his power to thwart Lord Zouch, and to injure him in the eyes of the
Prince of Wales, who espoused Mainwaring's cause. Mainwaring and Sir
Thomas Wilsford stood for Dover, and opposed the re-election of Cecil and
Young, but unsuccessfully. See calendar of 5". P. Dom. 1624, pp. 100-9 >
II3-I9 > 198 ; 200, 201. * March 25, 1624. — S. P. Dom.
56 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Add. — "To the Rig. honorable and his very good lo. the
Lord Zouch, lo. warden of the Senke Ports, and one
of his Maies moste honorable prive Counsell."
End. — "Frm Genrall Cecill, 25 of mch., to Ld Zouch, acquaint-
ing [him] how 2 Burgesses are put out of Parl* upon
their opinion that the[y] ought to be chosen by the
Comon people."
Sir R. Young wrote in a very hopeful strain to Lord
Zouch, seeming certain of his and Cecil's re-election for
Dover. He informed the Lord Warden of the Parliament-
ary order touching the late election at Dover, and declared
his intention of having this order read at the coming
election, to show "that there is no exception taken, but
rather an implied approbation of our persons, with some
tacit intimation that the freemen do choose us again." l
It was a common occurrence, even at this early period, for
members to be turned out of Parliament for some election
flaw,2 but Sir Edward Cecil and Sir Richard Young are
two rare examples of members who, having been unseated
for a flaw in their election, were re-elected for the same
borough almost immediately afterwards. On April 7 we
find Edward Cecil back in Parliament, and his name
appears on the select committee appointed to confer
with the Lords that day about the important Bill against
Monopolies.3 Advantage was taken of the King's enforced
passiveness to pass an Act against Monopolies, and the
Parliamentary axe was employed against several crying
abuses which had taken deep root in the English soil. One
of the most glaring of these abuses was the extortionate
1 Young to Zouch, March 29, 1624. — S. P. Dom.
9 Sir George Chaworth, M.P. for Arundel, was turned out of Parliament,
on March 25 in this year, for a flaw in his election. Nethersole to Carleton,
March 25, 1624. — S. P. Dom.
3 Common? Journals, i. p. 757.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 57
charge made by the heralds on the creation of noblemen,1
baronets, &c. Edward Cecil was one of the committee
appointed to enquire into and report on this grievance.2
But more important work was in store for Cecil. On April
21 he was appointed one of the Council of War,3 which
consisted of ten members, all of whom had considerable
experience in the art of war, viz. : Oliver Lord Grandison,
Lord Deputy of Ireland ; George Lord Carew, Master of
the Ordnance ; Fulke Greville, Lord Brooke ; Arthur Lord
Chichester, Sir Edward Conway, Sir Horace Vere, Sir
Edward Cecil, Sir John Ogle, Sir Thomas Button, and Sir
Robert Mansell.4
In the warlike temper of the Court, both Houses of
Parliament, and the nation in general, the Council of War
was a most important body. The members of this Council
were constituted treasurers of the three entire subsidies and
three fifteenths paid by the laity. No money was to be
issued out by the treasurers without a warrant from the
War Council, nor upon any other account but for the war.5
So far no war had been declared by Great Britain, but
there seemed to be a widespread belief that a war with
Spain was unavoidable. This belief was greatly strength-
ened by the arrival in London, on April 14, of that war-
like adventurer — Ernest, Count of Mansfeld.
Mansfeld was in want of a job. The Dutch had sickened
of him, the Germans would have none of him, and the
French only wanted his services in the hopes that he might
act as a decoy duck, and draw English troops to fight
1 In the Egerton Papers (Camden Soc. Pub.) it is stated that Lord Chancellor
Sir Thomas Egerton had to pay ^84 in fees on his being created a viscount in
Nov. 1616 (p. 480).
2 Commons'1 Journals, \. p. 777.
3 Warrant, April 21, 1624. — S. P. Dotn.
4 Vice-Admiral of England.
5 Rapin, II., book xxiii. p. 231.
58 LIFE AND TIMES OF
French battles against a common Spanish foe. Like a very
carrion crow, the modern Attila was attracted to England
by the smell of coming carnage. His welcome was all that
he could desire. Lodged in St. James's Palace, waited on
by lords and courtiers, worshipped by a London mob who
received him with acclamations whenever he appeared
in the streets, and struggled to get near him that they
might touch his clothes — he was the hero of the hour —
the Garibaldi of that time. It was but twelve months
since this great general had devastated the smiling province
of East Friesland, and allowed his officers and lawless
troops to commit the most dreadful and unheard of atro-
cities on peaceful citizens, on unoffending women, and
innocent children. But a year had elapsed since this same
general had demanded in marriage the daughter of the
Count of East Friesland, whose territory was then being
devastated, and had offered as a bribe, that if the Count
would give him his daughter, the Mansfeldian army should
be at his disposal ; " yea, though it were to serve there-
withall the Emperor or the King of Spain." x The Count
of East Friesland wisely declined to give his daughter in
marriage to Mansfeld, or accept the offer of his army,
" which whether it was meant in earnest or as a tentative
only," continues the narrator of this historical fact, " is hard
to judge of a man of such variable disposition, who
changeth with every wind, and hath every day new pro-
jects." 2 The opinion entertained by the King's ambassador
at the Hague as to Mansfeld's character was not enter-
tained by Buckingham, or the Prince of Wales, who were
guiding the old King in a direction the very opposite to the
1 Sir D. Carleton to Calvert, February 24, 1623.— .S. P. Holland.
1 Ibid. The same writer says in a letter to Chamberlain a few months later,
" Mansfelt plays the juggler with all the world, offering his services to all,
threatening one and another to get money." July n, 1623.— S. P. Holland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 59
one he would have taken if left to his own devices. Mans-
feld was taken to see James, and he unfolded his plans for
the recovery of the Palatinate. A bargain was concluded
between them, by which James promised to furnish troops
and money, provided that the King of France, with whom
he was in treaty, would supply Mansfeld with a similar
force. The treaty now on foot between Great Britain and
France was for the marriage of the Prince of Wales with
the Princess Henrietta Maria, youngest sister of Louis
XIII. of France. Henry Rich, Viscount Kensington,1 had
been secretly despatched to Paris, early in the year 1624,
to open negotiations with the French Court and Cardinal
Richelieu relative to this proposed marriage.
" It was the gravity of refusing such an offer, the difficulties
attending and the wariness requisite on accepting it," writes a
modern historian, " that had chiefly necessitated the admission of
Richelieu to the Council. He was decidedly for the marriage,
and for accompanying it with stipulations in favour of the English
Catholics, less for their sake than to save appearances with the
Pope and his party. Such an argument was indeed necessary in
order to procure the dispensation from Rome. Whilst he sent
Father Bruille thither on this errand, Richelieu arranged a treaty
with England for aiding the Dutch, then sorely oppressed by
Spinola, Before Richelieu entered the Council, Mansfeldt had no
hope of inducing the French Court to aid him. No sooner did
that event take place than negotiations commenced with the
Dutch, and Mansfeldt was summoned to the vicinity of Paris.
The Cardinal indeed proposed hard terms .... but he agreed in
June to give them [the Dutch] two and a half millions of francs,
whilst Mansfeldt was to bring an army from England for their
succour and the relief of the Palatinate." 2
1 Sir Henry Rich, K.B., created Viscount Kensington in 1622, and Earl
of Holland in September, 1624. He married the daughter and heir of Sir
Walter Cope, of Kensington, and acquired the manor of Kensington, now
known as Holland House.
2 Crow's History of France, iii. p. 447.
60 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Leaving the astute and wily Richelieu to his schemes
for advancing the welfare of France, by overreaching and
out-manoeuvring the English and Dutch nations, we must
return once more to the English Parliament at West-
minster, which was near its dissolution.
The Duke of Buckingham had no sooner established his
credit with both Houses of Parliament by his one-sided
story of the King of Spain's perfidy regarding the marriage
treaty, than he proceeded, with the Prince of Wales's help,
to undermine and cast down from their high estate the
Earls of Middlesex and Bristol. The former, who was Lord
High Treasurer of England, owed his rapid rise in life to
Buckingham, whose kinswoman he had married. As a
leading Privy Councillor, Middlesex had strongly opposed a
war with Spain, and from first to last had been an advocate
for the Spanish match. As a friend to Spain, the Lord
Treasurer had incurred the ill-will of both Charles and the
Duke, and it is said that, during their absence in Spain,
the Lord Treasurer was not only negligent in disbursing
the large sums demanded by the Duke for his and the
Prince's unlimited expenses, but had the courage to dispute
Buckingham's commands, and to appeal to the King,
whose ear was always inclined to him.1 By means of his
own party in the House of Commons, Buckingham easily
procured some of the leading members in the Lower
House to cause an impeachment for several corrupt
practices and misdemeanours to be sent up to the House
of Lords. The result is well known. Impeached and
found guilty, despite a brave defence and the efforts of
the King in his behalf (who begged the Prince and Buck-
ingham with prophetic wisdom to use their interest with
both Houses to withdraw the impeachment), the haughty
1 Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, \. p. 22.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 6 1
earl received this severe sentence at the hands of his
peers : —
" Thou, Lionel, Earl of Middlesex, shalt never sit or have a
voice more in this House of Peers, and shalt pay for a fine to our
sovereign lord the King ^20,000." l
It was no easy matter to bring home any charge against
the Earl of Bristol, who had both truth and law on his
side, but Buckingham, by false representations, induced the
King to refuse to see him on his return from Spain, and
he was ordered to retire to his house at Sherborne, and stay
there until his Majesty's further pleasure should be made
known to him. Having thus effectually silenced one enemy
and banished the other from Court, Buckingham was able
to pursue the crooked and dangerous policy which his
wayward and arbitrary spirit at this time inclined him to.
Sir Edward Cecil's duties as one of the Council of War
doubtless prevented his frequent attendance in Parliament
during the last six weeks of the session. His name only
occurs on one of the Parliamentary Committees appointed
during May, and that was on the committee of May 12,
for drawing up an "Act against the secret receiving of
pensions and gifts." 2
Parliament was prorogued on May 29 until Nov. 2 : —
" Our Parliament ended on Saturday with the passing of three
or four and thirty acts, tho' divers were stopped that were much
desired," wrote a chronicler of the times. " The parting were
with no more contentment than needed on either side. The King
spared them not a bit for undertaking more than belonged to them
1 Weldon's Court and Character of James /., in Francis Osborne's Memoirs,
\. p. 453. The Lord Treasurer was at first fined ^50,000, deprived of all his
offices, and ordered to be imprisoned in the Tower. — Lords' Journals, iii.
P- 383-
2 Common? Journals, i. p. 787.
62 LIFE AND TIMES OF
in many matters; and for answer to their grievances, which were
presented in two very long and tedious scrolls, he said that having
perused them he thanked God with all his heart they were no
worse." l
The subsidy granted by Parliament was enough to have
sent an army of 25,000 men- to the Palatinate under an
English general, but the Court thought fit only to send
6,000 men to Holland to assist the States. The following
extract shows that even this small levy of troops was
against the King's inclination : —
" Here is much canvassing about the making of captains and
colonels for these new forces that are to be raised to assist the Low
Countries. Sunday last was appointed, and then put off till
Tuesday, when they, flocking to Theobalds with great expectation,
tne king would not vouchsafe to see any of them, nor once look
out of his chamber till they were all gone. But word was sent
they should know his pleasure twixt this and Sunday. The prime
competitors are the Earls of Oxford, Essex, and Southampton.
The fourth place rests between the Lord Willoughby, the Earl
Morton, a Scottishman, and Sir John Borlase. It hath seldom
been seen that men of that rank, and privy councillors, should
hunt after such mean places, in respect of the countenance our
ancient nobility was wont to carry. But it is answered they do it
to raise the companies of voluntaries by their credit, which I doubt
will hardly stretch to furnish 6,000 men without pressing ; for our
people apprehend too much the hardships and miseries of soldiers
in these times." 2
Four regiments of 1,500 men each were raised by the
middle of July and despatched to Holland, where they arrived
on July 23.3 These regiments were commanded respectively
by the Earls of Oxford, Essex, Southampton, and the
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, June 5. — S. P. Dom.
* Ibid.
* Carleton to Secretary Conway, July 23. — S. P. Holland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 63
Lord Willoughby.1 Previous to the departure of these
noblemen from England, there had been great contention
between the Earls of Oxford and Southampton as to pre-
cedence. The contention was so hot between them that
the King had to interpose his authority and settle the
disputed question. On the arrival of the new English
troops in Holland, a fresh dispute broke out between the
Earl of Essex and Lord Willoughby as to precedence.
This quarrel was decided by Sir Horace Vere and Sir
Edward Cecil, who were appointed arbitrators.2
General Cecil appears to have gone over to the Low
Countries to join his regiment, which was about to take
the field under Maurice of Nassau, on June 7. He travelled
in style, as he took six horses with him,3 which was no
small number, even for a general. A great outward, if not
inward, change had taken place in the King of Great
Britain's feelings for his unfortunate son-in-law, Frederick,
since Edward Cecil's last visit to the Low Countries.
Then, Frederick was almost universally styled " the Prince
Elector," and to publicly pray for him as being " desolate
and oppressed " was a crime of no small magnitude in the
stern father-in-law's eyes. Now, all was changed, and we
find an authorised form of prayer publicly used for the
King and Queen of Bohemia and their affairs, the Lord
General (Vere), the Earls of Oxford and Essex, and the
English commanders and troops, at the services held by
1 Robert Bertie, Lord Willoughby de Eresby, created Earl of Lindsey
1626, and slain at Edgehill, 1642.
2 Carleton to Conway, August 21. — S. P. Holland. In this^letter Carleton
refers to " the good understanding between the two generals (Vere and Cecil)
ever since their quarrel was made up, and their line of action settled by
authority." The judgment of Generals Vere and Cecil on the question of
precedence between the Earl of Essex and Lord Willoughby is given in
S. P. Dom. 1624, clxxx. No. 92.
3 Warrant dated from Greenwich, June 7, 1624. — Doequet, S. P. Dom,
64 LIFE AND TIMES OF
the English troops in Holland — such prayer being used
after that for his Majesty King James.1
The old adage, that "it is an ill wind that blows no
one any good," was amply verified in the case of the
Dutch when the rupture between Great Britain and Spain
took place. The States sent ambassadors to London, in
February, 1624, who carried with them secret despatches
to the heads of the war party in England. How suc-
cessful this mission was has already been shown by the
despatch of 6,000 British troops to the aid of the United
Provinces in their struggle against Spain. The British
contingent arrived at an opportune moment, as Spinola
had opened the summer campaign by an attack on Breda.
Breda was a town of triangular form in Dutch Brabant,
about three miles in circumference, and situated on the
rivers Aa and Merk, by means of which rivers the whole
surrounding country could be laid under water. Its
fortifications had been rendered strong by art, and it
was also protected by the streams, woods, and morasses
with which it was environed.2 Spinola encamped about
two leagues from Breda, in the middle of July, with an
army of 24,000 foot and 3,000 cavalry.3 It is said that
this able commander foresaw the great difficulties he
would have to encounter in besieging so strong a fortress,
the blood that would be shed, and the time that would be
expended before Breda could be reduced. He accordingly
sent a despatch to Philip IV. laying all these facts before
him, and suggested that the army under his command
might be more profitably employed in some other enter-
prise. Philip, imbued with the highest ideas of the irre-
sistibility of Spanish arms, returned this laconic response
1 S. P. Dom. Jas. I. July (?), 1624, ckx. 88.
z Dunlop's Memoirs of Sfainy i. p. 115.
3 Ibid.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 65
to Spinola's representations : — " Marquis, take Breda ; I,
the King." 1
The Prince of Orange looked upon Breda in much the
same light that our Queen Mary regarded Calais. Breda
was associated with his earliest years and first exploits in
warfare ; moreover it was the ancient home of his fore-
fathers, and honour alone demanded that it should not fall
into the hands of the enemy. As soon as it became
apparent that Spinola was about to besiege this strongly
fortified place, Maurice reinforced the garrison, consisting
of 1,600 men under the veteran Justin of Nassau, with 6,000
English and French troops, commanded by Sir Charles
Morgan and Colonel Hauterive.2 Owing to the marshy
nature of the ground and the difficulty of supplying his
large army with provisions, Spinola made slow progress
with his intrenchments, and this is said to have given
Prince Maurice a feeling of false security and a mistaken
idea of his enemy's ability.3 This mistaken impression can
alone account for the Prince's march to the Rhine, and his
besieging such unimportant places as Gennep and Cleves,
" giving Spinola time," says a narrator of these events,
" to complete very nearly a double line of circumvallation
about Breda." 4 After the surrender of Cleves the States'
army marched to Made,5 a small town close to Gertruyden-
berg and within two hours' march of Breda. The two
armies now lay facing each other, and a battle might have
saved Breda, as Spinola was short of cavalry, but both
1 Dunlop's Memoirs of Spain, i. p. 115.
2 Davies' Holland, ii. p. 555.
3 Ibid. 4 Ibid.
* On October i, the Prince of Orange marched by Raensdouch over the
bridge before Gertruydenberg to Made, with 176 foot companies, 28 troops of
horse, and 72 pieces of ordnance. The English regiments of Vere, Cecil,
Morgan, Harwood, Lords Oxford, Essex, Southampton and Willoughby
accompanied him. — S. P. Holland.
VOL. II. F
66 LIFE AND TIMES OF
commanders were disposed to act on the defensive and not
on the offensive, added to which both were engrossed with
great designs of their own planning. Spinola's one idea
was to reduce Breda, and Maurice had determined to make
a sudden dash for Antwerp. This important city was
ill-prepared for a surprise such as Maurice had planned
in his fertile brain, and in imagination the Prince saw
himself in possession of a fortress which was of more im-
portance even than his beloved Breda. This great design
was planned with the greatest secrecy, and even those who
were chosen to execute it were kept in ignorance of their
destination. General Broucham, governor of Bergen-op-
zoom, had charge of this exploit, and he marched out of
Bergen at the head of 1,000 foot and 200 horse, with a
good store of waggons and " many portable instruments
fit for such a business." l After leaving the town the men
were commanded to pluck off their orange scarves, and
they were furnished with red ones, so that they might be
taken for Spanish soldiers. They arrived before Antwerp
Castle on a very obscure night, having deceived all the
people they had met on the road. Everything so far had
favoured their design, but a mere trifling accident made
their presence known to the garrison just as the Dutch
troops were fastening their scaling ladders to the castle
wall. This accident is quaintly narrated in a contemporary
war tract : —
" Wee have received from severall places tydings how that our
enterprise upon the Castle of Antwerps took no effect by reason
of a horse of our men, which made such a great noyse that a
sentinell of the Castle looked thereupon over the walls of it and
discovered our men which came about it. The Drost of Borchem
who was the chiefe conductor of this enterprise marched on the
1 Crosse, p. 1491.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 67
twelf day of this moneth of October, about foure of the clocke
very early in the morning out of the town of Bergen-up-Zoome,
with a thousand foote and foure troopes of horse and came about
eleven of the clock in the night time before the Castle, and had
before twelve of the clock laid some of their floates or bridges on
the water which runneth about the Castle, fastened some Petards,
and erected severall ladders against the walls, and were likely
to speed well if they had not been discovered by the meanes of
the afore-mentioned horse." 1
The States' army did not remain passive spectators of
the operations which Spinola was employed on before
Breda, but they had arrived on the ground too late to
break through the iron chain which Spinola had drawn
round the beleaguered town. At least Maurice of Nassau,
" the man of the pick-axe and spade," thought so, and he
contented himself with harassing the enemy and waylaying
the convoys of provisions. The Spanish army had a hot
time of it, as the Breda garrison made frequent sallies, and
the States' troops assisted their besieged friends in retard-
ing the progress of the outworks by firing on the troops
employed in raising them. Provisions were still plentiful
in Breda, but very scarce in the Spanish camp, added to
which a great part of the country round about Breda was
flooded, and in consequence of this the mortality in both
the States' and Spanish camps was very great.
"The horse [soldiers] which came with the last convoy to
Spinola's camp were not able to ride upon their horses," wrote a
chronicler of the siege, " seeing they went deep in the mire, but
were compelled to go afoote and lead them by the bridle. And
they report, moreover, that the Marquesse Spinola hearing that
the Prince of Orange hath given order to some commanders to
meet with his convoy, had given directions that no convoy should
1 A Continuition of all the Principal! Occurrences which hath happened to
the Leaguers lying before Breda, &c., 1625, 4°, p. 13.
F 2
68 LIFE AND TIMES OF
any more go or come without 8,000 foote, 2,000 horse, and some
pieces of ordnance. But the way is growne so deep (as they say)
that the horse go in some places unto their bellies in the water
[so] that they will hardly be able to march." 1
The complete failure of Prince Maurice's cherished plan
for surprising Antwerp struck deeply to his heart. Finding
his position at Made untenable, and not being able to
break the cordon round Breda, he divided his army into
two divisions and made a sudden retreat. This movement
was well timed, as Spinola, having increased his forces, was
just about to make an unexpected raid on the Dutch camp.
"On Tuesday last, the 12th October [old style], at 9 o'night, his
Excellency gave orders for marching at 3 in the morning," wrote
the English ambassador at the Hague to his friend Sir Edward
Conway at Court. " His Excellency went one way to Rozendale
(as is thought), Count Henry [of Nassau] another to Waldwick
in the Longstraat, from which places they may meet with the
enemie's convoyes. Our English are divided between both. The
Earls of Southampton and Essex, General Vere and Colonel
Harwood going with his Excellency. With Count Henry, the
Earl of Oxford and Lord Willoughby, General Cecyll and Sr John
Proude, Lt. Colonel to Sr C. Morgan." 2
The summer and autumn of 1624 were remarkably un-
healthy in the Netherlands. A pestilence, originated by the
desolate condition of the Palatinate, had slowly travelled
down the Rhine, and now made fearful ravages.3 The
contagion spread rapidly, and the British troops suffered
severely. The plague spared neither high nor low, and two
of the earliest victims were the gallant Earl of Southamp-
ton * and his eldest son, Lord Wriothesley. The son died
1 A Continuition of all the Principall Occurrences which hath happened to
the Leaguers lying before Breda, &><:., 1625, 4°, p. 12.
2 Carleton to Secretary Conway, Oct. Jf. — S. P. Holland.
3 Green's Princesses of England, v. p. 428.
* Henry Wriothesley, 3rd Earl of Southampton, K.G., and Captain of the
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 69
at the camp at Rosendale, and the father four days later
at Bergen-op-zoom.1 There was something peculiarly sad
in this double catastrophe, and it is not surprising to read
of the widowed Lady Southampton's " passionate carriage "
on the receipt of the grievous intelligence. " The Countess
of Southampton deeply mourns her husband and son, and
has been prayed for at her own request in divers churches,"2
wrote the Master of the Ceremonies at Court to Sir Dudley
Carleton. And another writer tells us how the widowed
Duchess of Richmond, who had lost her noble lord early in
this year, and who had shown her passionate grief by
cutting off all her hair the day he died,3 on being told of
Lady Southampton's inordinate grief, used this argument
to prove that her own grief was greater than Lady South-
ampton's, " for," quoth she, " I blasphemed." 4
The unhealthiness of the season, combined with dis-
appointment and anxiety as to the fate of Breda, had
wrought their injurious influences on the constitution of
the gallant Maurice of Nassau, and every day he got
weaker. " Prince Maurice is sick and crasie and not like
to last long," wrote our Ambassador to his correspondent in
England.5 His weakness of body was only too apparent,
and soon after the retreat to Rosendale, Maurice gave over
the command of the army there to his cousin, Count Ernest
of Nassau, and retired to the Hague to recruit his health.
Sir Edward Cecil in the meantime had the important
command of General of the British troops at Waelwick,6
Isle of Wight. His wife was daughter of John Vernon, Esq., of Hodnet, co.
Derby, by Elizabeth, sister of Walter Devereux, Earl of Essex,
1 Carleton to Chamberlain Oct $— S. P. Holland.
2 Sir John Finet to Carleton, Dec. 24.— S. P. Dom.
3 Chamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 22.— S. P. Dom.
4 Chamberlain to Carleton, Dec. 18. — S. P. Dom.
5 Carleton to Chamberlain, Oct J|.— S. P. Holland.
• Cecil to Buckingham, March 15, 1626. — S, P. Dom.
7O LIFE AND TIMES OF
a village of Brabant, ten miles east from Breda. The
miseries of a winter encampment at that place, when the
country all round was " drowned," are graphically described
in one of Cecil's letters.
SIR E. CECIL TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,
" This gentleman, Sir George Blundel, hath now quitted
the service of the States, for this especial reason (as he assures
me) to be the more absolutely employed in your Excle8 service.
This I know, his friends here that love him (which are many) are
very sorry to part with him, for there is no melancholy where he
goes.1 And, therefore, considering the condition of this place, we
shall be great losers, being upon a melancholy place and service,
ill-payed, sick of all diseases in the world, in a place that is next
neighbour to hell, if the book printed say true, which saith that the
Low Countriemen are next neighbours to the devil. And I am
sure we are now seated lower then any part of these Countries,
for the waters are above us and about us, and we live in more
fear of them then of the enemy ; for we may be drowned at an
hour's warning, if we do not continually work against it, and yet,
and it shall please your Excle this is the seat for a Winter War.
Many more inconveniencies we are daily sensible of, of which I
have endured as much, as I dare say without vanitie that few of
my rank and fortune have suffered more or longer then I have
done in these Countries ; having served these 27 years together
without intermission, and all this for no other end (for I am ^£"900
a year the worse for the Wars) then to make me able to serve my
Prince and countrie when occasion should be offered.
" But since the time is come that opinion doth so govern as
strangers get the Command and new souldiers imployed, which
was never heard of before among men of our occupation, it is
1 Sir George Blundel appears to have been a wag. Young Sir Edward
Conway, who served at the siege of Bergen-op-zoom in company with Sir
George Blundel, says in one of his letters from the beleaguered city to Sir
Dudley Carleton : — "We watch five nights and sleepe two, whitch Sr George
Blundell thinkes not to be an equal proportion." Sept. 16, 1622.— S. P.
Holland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. Jl
high time for me to retire, and wish I had been of any other
profession than this. For if long service can get no honour, nor
reward, nor imploymente, but the contrary, it would touch a
man's discretion to be more and more unfortunate. All my
comfort is I shall have the honour and good fortune in my
retreat to draw neerer to your Excies service, if not in my profession
(which I desire above all) yet in something whereof your Ex.
may make use of me. For I am ambitious of nothing more, then
to prove myself by action and not by recommendation
" your Excellencies most faithfull
" obedient and humble servant,
" ED. CECYLL.
" From our Army at
Wallike, the
4lh of Decemb." 1 [1624].
The reference in Cecil's letter to " strangers getting the
command " of British troops, brings us back to Ernest,
Count of Mansfeld, as he was the envied " stranger " who
was about to get the command of 12,000 British troops,
raised for the recovery of the Palatinate.
James Hay, Earl of Carlisle, who might justly have been
styled the " magnificent " — not so much from his beauty of
person as from his gorgeous apparel — had been sent to
Paris in May, to assist Lord Kensington in his negotiations
with the French Court, for concluding a marriage between
Charles, Prince of Wales, and the Princess Henrietta
Maria. However anxious these two noblemen might be
to conclude an advantageous treaty for their sovereign,
they were quite outmatched and overreached by Cardinal
Richelieu, who saw in this treaty a fitting occasion to
advance the interests of his country, and raise France to
the high position among European nations which she had
occupied under Henry the Great's rule. In accomplishing
1 Printed in Cabala, Part i. p. 129.
72 LIFE AND TIMES OF
this great end, Richelieu saw himself to all intents and
purposes the ruler of France. Carlisle had orders to
propose to the French Court — a league against the House
of Austria. This league was the Prince's and Bucking-
ham's grand aim.1 It happened that at this time there
was a dispute between France and Spain about the
Valtelline,2 which was in the hands of the Spaniards, and
which territory was to France what the Palatinate was
to England. Why should not Great Britain and France
league together against the common foe, and an Anglo-
French force commanded by Count Mansfeld sweep the
Valtelline and the Palatinate clear of the Spaniards ?
Thus argued Buckingham, and the idea seemed a good
one. But unfortunately he forgot the fact that France
having no interest in the Palatinate, or England in the
Valtelline, the league would be a very hollow and one-
sided one — a league that might perchance benefit one of
the two kingdoms, but at the expense of the other. Which
kingdom was to benefit — England or France ? The sequel
will presently show. In the meantime Mansfeld had been
summoned to Paris, and preparations were made for war.
Mansfeld served the double purpose of acting as a scare-
crow to frighten the Spanish Government, and a decoy duck
to lure the British King into the trap which Richelieu was
preparing for him.
Richelieu's grand project was to achieve what Olivares
had signally failed in, viz., a marriage treaty granting great
rights and concessions to the English Roman Catholics, as
well as freedom of worship, and, more important still, a
clause in the treaty to the effect that " the children which
shall be born of this marriage shall be brought up by
1 Rapin, ii. Bk. xviii. p. 234.
2 An extensive Alpine valley at the head of Lake Como and a highway from
Italy into Germany.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 73
Madame, their mother, till the age of thirteen years."1
This condition, pregnant of evil results in the future, had
been inserted in the Spanish marriage treaty by the Pope,
and was, of course, with a view to imbuing the minds of the
royal children born of the marriage with Roman Catholic
principles and inclinations. James had not fallen so low,
or changed his ideas as to Jesuits and Papists so com-
pletely, as to tamely agree to conditions which he naturally
considered as derogatory to his honour as a Protestant
king. But James was no longer king. He was completely
in the hands of his son and Buckingham ; and they,
regardless of after-consequences, were ready to sign away
their honour for the sake of carrying out their policy.
Richelieu doubtless knew this, and he was the ventriloquist
who made that useless wooden machine called Louis XIII.
tell Lords Carlisle and Kensington that the Marriage and
League were two distinct affairs, and that the latter would
be taken into consideration directly the treaty for the
former was ratified.
Mansfeld came over to England towards the end of
September, and, after some conferences, agreed with the
King, the Prince, and the Duke, that he should have 1 2,000
troops to carry the war into the Lower Palatinate. He
brought verbal promises from the King of France to
support the expedition under Mansfeld with men and
money ; also to allow the British troops to land on French
soil. Verbal promises and vague declarations were un-
satisfactory things to count on when seeking an ally, but
pending more decided utterances and actions on the part
of the French King, steps were taken to levy 12,000 men,
and Mansfeld crossed over to Holland to hunt up German
recruits.2
1 Article xix. of the marriage treaty. 2 E. de Mansfeldt, ii. p. 239.
74 LIFE AND TIMES OF
"You have Count Mansfeldt with you and we expect him
here again shortly," wrote a diligent observer of what was passing
at this time, "for they say he is to have hence 8,000 English
and 4,000 Scots under 6 regiments, whereof the first stands in
question twixt the Earl of Lincoln and the young Lord Doncaster.
The Lord Cromwell is to have the second, Sir Charles Rich the
third, whose lieutenant [colonel] is to be your acquaintance, Mr.
Hopton that married the Lady Steven ; the fourth is allotted to
Sir John Borough. Colonel Gray ' and one Ramsay are named
for the Scots. God speed them well whatsoever they do or
wheresoever they go ; but it is beyond my experience and reading
to have such a body of English committed to and commanded by
a stranger, to say no more." 2
Early in November the marriage treaty was signed by
the English ambassadors at Paris, and a month later it was
ratified by James and his son in the presence of Buck-
ingham and Conway, Secretary of State.
The treaty was a triumph for French diplomacy and an
Emancipation Act for the English Roman Catholics, who,
after the signing of the treaty were, practically speaking,
endowed with greater rights and privileges than the English
Protestants.3 " From this moment," wrote a commentator
on this one-sided treaty, " may be dated the origin of the
direful dissensions between the English parliaments and the
Stuart monarchs."
Directly the marriage treaty was signed, James pressed
1 Col. Sir Andrew Gray had been an old German commander, and even in
time of peace wore buff and went to Court with a brace of pistols stuck in his
belt, which the King never liked to see.
2 Chamberlain to Carleton, Oct. 9. — S. P. Dom.
3 "One of the marriage articles secretly stipulated for a relaxation of the
persecution against the Roman Catholics ; and, in proof that King James
meant to observe his promise, he issued instructions, ordering all persons
imprisoned for religion to be released and all fines levied on recusants to be
returned ; likewise commanding all judges and magistrates to stop the execu-
tions of papists convicted under the penal laws." — Strickland's Queens of
England, iv. p. 149.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 75
the Court of France with respect to the league. But
France had no longer need of the assistance of Mansfeld
and British troops to recover the Valtelline. A league
had already been formed between France, Venice, and
Savoy, for the recovery of the Valtelline, and a French
army despatched thither. The French policy was now to
do without England's help if possible, but until France's
foreign affairs were satisfactorily settled, to hold out hopes
of an early Anglo-French alliance against Spain.
To clearly understand the folly of England embarking
on a hazardous enterprise with no allies save the Dutch,
who had their hands full already, it must be remembered
that there was no Parliament sitting and that Buckingham
overruled both the King and Privy Council. It is true
that the latter body had given it as their opinion that
Mansfeld should not receive his commission until the
King of France had stated in writing his intentions to
forward Mansfeld's design, and allow him and his troops
to land in France en route for the Palatinate. The advice
of the Privy Council and the refusal of the Council of War
to advance the required money for levying and paying
12,000 troops were both overruled. On November 24 a
warrant was issued by the Council of War — whose con-
sciences had been won over to granting money out of the
subsidies for a purpose never intended — for the payment
by the treasurers of .£55,000. This sum was to defray the
cost of levying 12,000 men, and provide pay for two
months. These difficulties overcome, and Mansfeld having
returned to London, preparations for this inauspicious
winter campaign were hurried forward. The Archduchess
Isabella had demanded from James an explanation as to
the destination of these new levies, and the King had told
her plainly they were only to be employed against the
.Duke of Bavaria in restoring the Palatinate to his children.
76 LIFE AND TIMES OF
He also assured her and the Spanish ambassador that
these troops should commit no act of hostility against the
subjects or possessions of the King of Spain and the Arch-
duchess.1 These representations gave little satisfaction,
and it was generally believed that Mansfeld was about to
lead his troops to the relief of Breda. The terror which
his very name inspired in France, Holland, and the Spanish
Netherlands, made his probable advent be looked forward to
in these countries with the greatest dread, and it is amusing
now to read of the wild reports which came from all quarters
announcing the speedy arrival of the Count at the head of
an enormous army in that particular quarter.2
Mansfeld 's 12,000 soldiers were pressed men, and, as
there is a great similarity between the kind of soldiers
pressed for this expedition and those raised a few months
later to serve in the voyage to Cadiz, under Sir Edward
Cecil, a short account of their doings will not be irre-
levant.
The rendezvous was at Dover and the towns adjacent,
and thither were the troops sent early in December.
" Our soldiers," wrote an interested spectator, "are marching
on all sides to Dover; God send them good shipping and
success; but such a rabble of raw and poor rascals have not
lightly been seen, and go so unwillingly that they must rather be
driven than led." 3
Arrived at Dover, these poor recruits found small pro-
vision made for their comfort, either in the way of food or
lodging.
" The soldiers commit great outrages," wrote the Lieutenant of
Dover Castle to the Council, " pulling down houses and taking
away cattle." 4
1 E. de Mansfeldt, ii. p. 24$. 2 Ibid. pp. 247-249.
3 Chamberlain to Carleton, Dec. 18. — S. P. Dom.
4 Sir J. Hippisley to the Council, Dec. 26.— S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 77
Another resident at Dover wrote in the same strain,
describing the soldiers as gaol birds, "who kill sheep in
abundance and threaten to burn the town if left in want." l
Things came to such a pass that the authorities at Dover
were compelled to ask for martial law to be put in force
against the soldiers, and James sent Sir John Ogle and Sir
W. St. Leger down to Dover to inquire into and report on
the condition of the troops. All this time letters were
passing to and fro between the English and French Courts
regarding the landing of these same troops on French soil.
The English Court had been led to believe all along that
Louis would allow these troops to land at some French
port and march to the Palatinate in conjunction with a
body of French cavalry. The French king had indeed
verbally promised this, but now he drew back, and his
ambassador proposed to James that Mansfeld should
march to the Palatinate by the Spanish Netherlands — the
quickest way. Hardly had James agreed to this plan and
given Mansfeld directions to ask leave from the Arch-
duchess that his troops might pass through her territory,
and, if she refused her consent to that, then he was to force
his way across the Spanish territory, than Louis sent word
to James " that Mansfeld could not be permitted to land
in France unless the English Government distinctly autho-
rised his passage through the Spanish Netherlands." 2
This was plain enough, but James and Buckingham, hoping
to the very end to engage France in the expedition by the
very fact of the English troops landing at a French port,
obliged Mansfeld to sail for Calais with his troops and
effect a landing. As might have been expected, the French
king, declining to be implicated in an undertaking he had
1 bir T. Wilsford to Nicholas, Dec. 27. — S. P. Dom.
2 Dr. Gardiner, as before, v. p. 281.
78 LIFE AND TIMES OF
long determined to slip out of, had given orders that none
of the troops were to be allowed to land. Consequently,
on their arrival before Calais, they were not permitted
to disembark. To Mansfeld this was a matter of small
moment. He had been won over by Richelieu and his
party to their scheme, which was that the British troops
should march to the relief of Breda.1 The able French
minister knew that this would embroil James with Spain,
and it was the policy of the French Government to bring
this to pass. Mansfeld had now no choice but to sail for
a Dutch port, and, on February I, the Hamburg vessels
which contained his troops arrived at Flushing. Not being
expected, no provisions had been made for their reception.
While negotiations were going on relative to the landing
and disposal of these troops, these same troops were star-
ving on board ship, where they were packed together
like herrings. Days passed before they were permitted to
land, and they were then sent in open boats to Gertruy-
denberg. Many died from starvation and cold long before
they arrived there, and a pestilence carried off many more
even when food was at last forthcoming. An Irish officer,
then serving under Spinola before Breda, gives a most
pitiful account of the unfortunate troops under Mans-
feld.
" What with plague, with agues, with the sea, and with vomiting
by reason of their long shutting up in the ships with the narrow-
ness of the room, and many filled with the filthy savour, being
almost all raw soldiers, and unaccustomed to tempests and stinks,
were cast into the waves either dead or half alive. There was
counted by some above the number of 4,000 ; some cast into the
sea for dead, by swimming got to the shore and are yet
living in the town. Many dead bodies floating by the shore side
1 Martin, Histoire de France, ii. p. 210.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 79
unburied, and more everywhere cast up by the sea on the land,
breathed forth a grievous plague upon the neighbouring towns of
Holland." l
The Duke of Brunswick was to have followed Mansfeld
to Holland with 2,000 French cavalry, which was all the
help the French King could be induced to give for the
recovery of the Palatinate. Duke Christian had come over
to England in December, and had been much feted in
London by the Prince and the war party. In consideration
of his past and future services to the Queen of Bohemia's
cause, James made him a Knight of the Garter, gave him
a pension of £2,000 a year, and a present of £3,000 at
parting.2 When Mansfeld was refused permission to land
at Calais, it was agreed that Duke Christian was to follow
with the French cavalry to Flushing as soon as practicable.
The Brunswickian horse fared as badly as the British
infantry had done, and when they arrived off Zeeland, out
of a force of 2,000 only a few hundreds remained — desertion
previous to embarkation, and the loss of one or two vessels at
sea in a fearful storm, having caused this woeful reduction.
For such an attenuated force to march to the Palatinate in
the depth of winter, with Tilly and his veterans waiting
to receive them on the frontier, was out of the question.
Mansfeld wished to lead his troops against Breda, notwith-
standing the promise he had given James that he would
not commit any act of hostility against the Spanish troops.
The Prince of Orange, from his sick bed at the Hague,
fumed and fretted at Mansfeld's delay in marching to
Breda.3 He had been led to believe, both by the French
King and Mansfeld himself, that these troops would be so
1 Captain Barry's Siege of Breda, p. 98.
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, Jan. 8. — 5". P. Dom,
3 E. de Mansfeldt, ii. p. 284.
8O LIFE AND TIMES OF
employed, and his anger knew no bounds when he found
the English colonels under Mansfeld refused to obey their
general when he wished to march to Breda, having received
express commands from James not to do so.1 Well might
Maurice complain of having to feed troops who were of no
earthly use to him, as but for Dutch charity the troops
would have starved to a man, and well might he declaim
against his most Christian Majesty, King Louis, who had
deceived his allies all round.2
The expectation of being attacked by fresh troops had
given a stimulus to the exertions of the Marquis Spinola,
and he fortified his camp with an intrenchment " of a
wonderful greatness, and brought it to perfection, although
it was at the most unseasonable time of the winter. The
compass of it was 52,000 paces." 3
The Spanish troops before Breda were much reduced by
disease caused by the hardships they endured, the flooded
state of their encampment, and the sickliness of the season,
which even the frost did not take away. Spinola himself
was afflicted with great bodily weakness and pain, and was
carried about in a litter to superintend the progress of his
works. He caused deep pits to be dug to drain the water
from among his tents, and sluices were cut in the river
to empty the water in another direction. The States'
troops at Waelwick also suffered severely from the prevalent
unhealthiness of the season and the hardships they en-
dured. The losses sustained by the British regiments
this winter are shown by a proclamation issued by the
Privy Council to the Lords Lieutenant of counties.4
1 Lord Cromwell to Conwav, rv — V- 5^ — S. P. Holland,
}> March 8.
2 St. Leger to Conway, March 28, 1625. — S. P. Holland.
3 Crosse, p. 1500.
* Feb. 25, 1624-5.— 5".
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 8 1
" After my very harty comendacons to yor Lopp, whereas an
humble suytt hath bene made to this Board by the lo. Willoughby,
Sr Ed. Cecill, and others, the Colonells and Captaynes, both of the
old Regim48, as also of those new Regitn1", raysed here the last summr
for the service of the States, that in regard the said Troopes are much
shrunke and weakened by lying in the field all the winter, and are
nevertheless called upon by his Excellency, their generall, to have
them compleate and in readines for some service within a short
time, that therefore for the speedie supplie of the said English
Regim18 it mought be permitted to them and their officers to beat
their drums, and that they might receive such further countenance
from this Board as hath been heretofore given upon like occasion
of raysing voluntaries ; wherunto we having accordingly given
allowance and p'mission, have likewise thought good to give yor
Lopp intymacon thereof to the end that you may not only p'mitt and
suffer any the said colonells or captaynes, or such officers they
shall depute, to levye and take upp such voluntarie soldiers as shalbe
willing to take entertainment under them, but that withall you
afford them yor best direccons, assistance and furtherance therein,
and that you give notice hereof to the Deputie lieutenants, Justices
of the Peace, and other his Mto ministers unto whome it may
appertaine within the precints ofyor severall Lieutenantcies. And
in case any of those voluntaries shall, after they have accepted
entertainment mony, whereby they are ingaged into the service,
withdrawe themselves, or runn awaye from their Captaynes or
conductors, you are upon any such complaint to yeeld yor best
assistauncefor the apprehending and recovering of those runnawaies,
and then to comitt to prison untill they submitt themselves, or
otherwise to punish them as is usual in like cases. And soe wee
bid yor Lopp very hardly farewell, from Whitehall the 25 of Feb.,
1624. Yo Lo very loving friends,
" G. Cant : " Jo. Lincoln, C.S. " Jo. Mandevill.
" Grandisone. " G. Carew. " Alb. Morton."
" We hear that Mansfeld's troops are almost half starveed,"
wrote an indignant Englishman in London to the British ambas-
sador at the Hague. " If it be so, majus peccatum habent that should
have made better provision and taken better order for them. It
YOL. II. G
82 LIFE AND TIMES OF
will quite discourage our people to be thus sent to the slaughter,
or rather to famine and pestilence."1
The prophecy contained in this last sentence was to be
fulfilled unfortunately only too soon.
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 26.— S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 83
CHAPTER III.
1625.
PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE TO CADIZ.
" It is not thus that generals set out when they are expected to achieve
brilliant victories."
JAMES the First of England, and Sixth of Scotland, de-
parted this life on March 27, 1625, and a month later,
Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange, commander-in-chief
of the States' army, and Knight of the most noble order of
the Garter, finished his earthly career.
Of the former it is sufficient to say that, " he was a
king almost from his birth." * The latter sovereign, for
sovereign he was to all intents and purposes, though he
was never crowned, was a soldier, in the highest sense of
the word, almost from his birth. The history of his
country is Maurice of Nassau's best epitaph. His death,
bed at the Hague was overshadowed by the impending
fate of Breda, and one of the last questions he asked was,
whether Breda still held out ? The anxiety the soldier-
prince endured during the last months of his life regarding
Breda doubtless shrivelled up his lion heart. " The Prince
of Orange has been opened," wrote the English ambassador
1 Shortly after the King's death, Bishop Laud delivered into the hands of
the Duke of Buckingham ' ' brief annotations or memorables of the life and
death of King James," of which the first on the list was the above indisputable
fact. See Rush worth, i. p. 155.
G 2
84 LIFE AND TIMES OF
at the Hague to Secretary Conway, "and found to have
the fullest brain and the least heart his physicians had
ever seen." l
A few weeks before the Prince of Orange's death, his
brother, Count Frederick Henry of Nassau, was married
at the Hague to Emilie, Countess of Solms, and a few
days after, by his brother's desire, he departed to join the
States' army at Gertruydenberg, where the whole army
met him, and took the oath of fidelity to him as their
commander-in-chief.2
Under the able leadership of Frederick Henry, Prince of
Orange, the States' army was eventually to achieve great
things ; but the days of Breda were numbered before the
new commander-in-chief had taken over the supreme
command of the army. Nothing could break down the
strong earthworks which Spinola had raised all round the
beleaguered city, and the garrison was gradually being
starved into submission.
" I have ever had a great opinion of Spinola," wrote a discern-
ing Englishman to Sir Dudley Carleton, " as the ablest man of
our age, for judgment, vigilancy, daring and wariness, and if he
carry Breda, as we make account he will, it is one of the greatest
services hath been done many a day, considering the manifold
difficulties." s
James had obstinately refused to allow Mansfeld to
employ his British troops in marching to the relief of
Breda. Directly James was dead his son was asked to
annul this restriction. If Breda could be saved by means
of British troops, it would be a glorious beginning to his
1 Carleton to Conway, May 10. — S. P. Holland.
* Commelyn, Histoire de la vie de Frederic Henry de Nassau, p. 9 ; St. Leger
to Conway, April $. — 6". P. Holland.
* Chamberlain to Carleton, April 23. — S. P. Dotn.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL 85
Majesty's reign, wrote Sir W. St. Leger to Secretary
Conway from the Hague.1 Charles gave the required
permission,2 but by this time Mansfeld's I2,OOO Britons
had dwindled to 3,000, and this small body of men was
composed of too poor stuff to face Spinola's seasoned
veterans. Many of their comrades had already deserted
to the enemy, who derived but little advantage from their
services. An Irish officer in Spinola's army before Breda,
who wrote an account of the siege, has left it on record
that some of Mansfeld's runaways, who took service under
Spinola, were so utterly ignorant of all that soldiers ought
to know, that when they had to load their muskets, they
poured all the powder they had in their flasks into the
muzzles of their guns, scarcely leaving any room for the
bullets.3 The narrator of this extraordinary story attri-
butes the crass ignorance of these men to their having
" been gathered compulsorily of the most basest sort of the
rascalitie." 4
A letter from Sir Edward Cecil, written a few weeks
before the fall of Breda, shows that the new commander
of the States' forces was determined to make one grand
effort to relieve the beleaguered city.
SIR E. CECIL TO LORD CONWAY. 5,
" MY VERY GOOD LORD,
" If I have not answered yr lo. Noble letter sooner, my
1 St. Leger to Conway, April ^.— S. P. Holland.
7 Carleton, in a letter to Lord Cromwell and the other colonels of
Mansfeld's army, informs them that the restriction laid upon them not to
march to Breda is taken away, and they can now go, May 7. — S. P. Holland.
* Barry's Siege of Breda, p. 99.
4 Ibid.
5 Sir Edward Conway had been created Baron Conway of Ragley, County
Warwick, March 22, 1624, and in the December following was appointed
Captain of the Isle of Wight.
86 LIFE AND TIMES OF
indisposition is the true cause that I have been lattly visited
wthall. .
" Among those menn that love to hear well of there friendes, I
am to offer yr lo. up my congratulation for yr diserved honor his
late Ma* did conferre upon yr lo. After that it belonges to mee
to render y° many thanckes for yr letter, wherein it hath pleased
yr lo. to set yr hand to an acknowledgmente that makes mee more
in debted to y° than if y° had not acknowledged any debte. By
cause y° give me assurance of yr lo. noble affection and friend-
shipe, therefore yr lo. may be confidente, wth the same freedome
and certaintie wch y° have bestoed upon mee, that I will rather
invite occasiones then omitt anie, whereby I may receave yr
commandmentes and obey them.
" Wee are now ready to marche, w* a newe Generall, w01 as
brave and compleatte and (sic) Army as was ever scene in these
contries, or in any other, as I can lerne, for there [their] order
and Reall provitions of all manere of thinges. And the actione
that will seeme most easie for us is to fighte ; but the suneste
[quickest] way wee can thincke one [on] to releave the towne of
Breda, will be if wee can but vittall our selves. For if wee can, it
is as easy, and more easy, to Blocke up the [enemy's] Army as
it is for them to Blocke up the Towne. For the forcing of the
Treanches I take it very dificulte, for the[y] have worked upon
them ever sence they first sett downe, and now more then ever.
They have dobled there [their] workes as well towardes us as to
the Towne, and every treanche cannone profe, beside there [their]
great Bastiones and trafferses wth in, and wee must come naked to
assalte them if wee goe that way. Wee shall have in our Army
288 companies of foote and 92 of Horse, and nigh a 100 peases
of Ordinance of all sorts. This is a fitt preportione to regaine
the Palitenatte, where we shall not loose . neither honor nor
charge, but make the conquiste repare much of it.
" I am, as I allwayes was, of the opinean that the charge of
Mansfeld was lost labore and charge cast a way, but muche more
now that when he goethe from us heare he will not be able to feade
himselfe. Of the 12,000 menne there is scante [scarce] soe
many hundreds leafte, and these last die as faste, according to
preportione, as if God were not well pleased that a stranger should
command our Nation. What will be the evente God knoweth.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 87
And soe, wth the remembrance of my humble servis to y°, I
reast
"Yrlo.
" to be commanded,
" ED. CECYLL.
" From our Army this
£fof Apriell [1625]."
[P.S.] "I take it that about maye daye, newe style, y° lo. shall
heare that our Army is marching towards our great Prince." *
Add. " To the Rig. honorable and his
very good lord the lo. Connowaye,
Barone of Raglind, and
Principall Scecritary of State
at
Corte."
End. "29 Aprill, 1625. Sr Edward Cecill to the Lo. Conway,
acknowledging the receipt of a Lre, and excusing the not answer-
ing it till now ; congratulating his Lop8 new honor and expressing
much thankfullness for favors receaved ; shewes how compleate
an Army the States have, theire resolutions and hope to releive
Breda, and thereupon makes a long discourse."
After the States' army had met Prince Frederick Henry
at Gertruydenberg, and taken the oath of fidelity to him,
they marched to Dungen.2 Finding Breda inaccessible on
that side, the Prince of Orange marched to Gertruydenberg
on May 3, with 6,000 men, and on the following night at-
tempted the relief of Breda by beating up the enemy's
quarters at Terheyden. The English had the vanguard,
and were commanded by Sir Horace Vere, the Earl of
Oxford being second in command.3 They attacked and
carried two forts in gallant style, but meeting with most
1 S. P. Holland.
* A village in Brabant, three leagues east of Breda.
' Carleton to Conway, May 7.— S. P. Holland.
88 LIFE AND TIMES OF
determined resistance, and being unable to overcome the
difficulties which presented themselves, they were obliged
to retreat. Want of ammunition, and the vanguard not
being duly supported by the rest of the troops, were two of
the causes which were said to have contributed to the
failure of the enterprise.1 The English troops suffered
severely in this fight. The Earl of Oxford, Sir Thomas
Winne, Captain Dacres, Captain John Cromwell, Captain
Tyrwhitt, and Lieutenant Bell were wounded, and Ensign
Stanhope was killed.2
This was the last attempt to relieve Breda. Sir E. Cecil
(who did not take part in the attack on Terheyden) was right
in his opinion that it was impossible to storm the enemy's
trenches, and that victuals for the States' army, and want
of victuals for Spinola's army, might accomplish what no
fighting would. Unfortunately, victuals were very scarce
with the Prince of Orange. He had no straw, or anything
to make huts of, and the camp was deep sand, which the
heavy rains had turned into a quagmire. Sickness followed
as a matter of course. " The longer they stay here the worse
it is like to be," wrote a visitor to the States' camp at Little
Dungen.3 All hope of relieving Breda being now at an
end, and the garrison being without food, the Prince of
Orange contrived to let the governor of the town know
that he was at liberty to surrender on the best terms he
could. On May 26th the garrison surrendered and marched
out with the honours of war. The Marquis Spinola, who
had once more earned the proud distinction of being the first
soldier of the age, stood near the gate, and saw the troops
march out. He respectfully saluted the governor, the
1 Carleton to Conway, May 7.— S. P. Holland.
2 Crosse, pp. 1511-2.
8 Mr. Dudley Carleton to his uncle, Sir Dudley Carleton, May 8. — S. P.
Holland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 89
English and French colonels, and other officers, and expressed
his admiration of the valour and fortitude of the soldiers.
When King James died England was on the brink of a
war, but no war had ever been declared. Mansfeld, indeed,
had been sent to reconquer the Palatinate with an army
chiefly composed of British troops, but he never reached his
destination, and his army had wasted away like snow in
spring. Christian IV., King of Denmark, had been induced,
by the representations of James, to embrace the cause of the
ex-king of Bohemia, and to take the field against Tilly and
the Imperialists. Louis XIII. had, thanks to Richelieu's
policy, kept on friendly terms with both Great Britain
and Spain. The Anglo-French marriage treaty had been
signed and ratified. The Princess Henriette Marie was to
be married by proxy at Paris on May I (old style) to King
Charles. Gustavus Adolphus, the Lion of the North, had
not yet taken the field, though the heads of the Protestant
party were in active negotiations with him, and his co-opera-
tion was daily expected by the Protestant Princes of
Germany. Such was the state of affairs when Charles
succeeded to the Crown.
The new king was not long in letting his subjects see
that the policy which had been pursued by himself and
Buckingham during the last year of the late king's life
was now to be followed at all hazards. War was to be
declared against Spain, and a large fleet was to be sent to
the Spanish coast to destroy Spanish ships and cripple
Spanish power. Mansfeld was to be reinforced and assisted
with money ; Christian IV. was to be helped in like manner.
The four new English regiments in the Low Countries
were to be kept there in the king's pay to assist the Dutch.
All these things and many more, of less magnitude but of
great cost, had Charles pledged himself to do. The late
king's last days had been embittered by the adverse policy
9O LIFE AND TIMES OF
of his son and favourite. But Charles had not this trial to
go through. Buckingham's policy was the king's policy,
and they went hand in hand in their schemes for crushing
their enemies, reinstating their friends in power, and re-
filling an exhausted exchequer. The great duke's roving
imagination dictated the policy which was to advance the
honour and glory of Great Britain and humble her enemies.
Charles adopted the policy and gave his royal assent. All
that was wanting now was money to put these glorious
schemes in motion. So certain was the king of getting the
necessary supplies from an obedient Parliament, that he
collected a large fleet at Plymouth, issued orders for the
levy of 10,000 land soldiers to go with the fleet, and entered
into negotiations with the States-General for their co-
operation in the expedition, some time before the Parlia-
ment, which had been summoned, had assembled.
The idea of sending a fleet to Spain to prey on Spanish
shipping, and bring back the rich cargoes of a captured
West India fleet, seems to have originated with Bucking-
ham, and to have filled his busy brain ever since December
in the previous year.1 It would seem that the Lord High
Admiral of England contemplated sending an expedition
to the Spanish coast exactly similar to the one sent out by
Elizabeth in I596.2 Judging from the grand success of that
fleet, — Buckingham thought that a combined naval and
military force of equal strength as that which left the shores
of England in the summer of 1 596, would cripple Spanish
power, and by causing a war of diversion would pave the
way for Mansfeld and his allies to reconquer the Palatinate.
^ * Dr. Gardiner's History of England, v. p. 303.
2 A memorandum in Carleton's handwriting, written on the margin of the
States' reply to his memorial, asking them to lend certain troops to go with
the fleet, states that the troops to be asked for were "according to the Cales
voyage," April 17.— S. P. Holland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 9 1
However widely different Buckingham's war schemes were,
they all revolved on the same pivot — the reconquest of the
Palatinate. This was absolutely necessary to give a healthy
tone to his schemes and carry the public interest, and what
was even more to him the interest of England's Protestant
allies, along with him. James had consented to a breach
with Spain in the interest of the Palatinate, and both
Charles and Buckingham knew that the only ostensible
reason they could give for declaring war against Spain must
be on the score of the exiled Frederick.
The States-General were to be asked not only to furnish a
certain number of ships to join the expedition, but to allow
some of their best English officers and 2,000 picked soldiers
to go with the fleet. All this was in accordance with what
had happened in 1 596, when the Dutch had sent a squad-
ron of twenty-four ships to join the English fleet, and had
permitted Sir Francis Vere and other English officers,
with an English regiment over 2,000 strong, to leave their
service temporarily, and go with the expedition to Cadiz.
But the state of affairs was altered now. The British
troops were mostly paid by the States-General, and were
on an entirely different footing since the treaty of 1598.
Added to this, when their services were asked for, the fate
of Breda still hung in the balance, and the States' army had
experienced great reverses. The duke was not a man to
think of obstacles, and we find his factotum and ready
ambassador, Sir Wm. St. Leger, writing to Sir Dudley
Carleton early in April and opening out his master's
wishes in the matter.1
Charles had already sent his instructions to Carleton,
and the king's wishes were laid before the States-General
in their assembly at the Hague. Before that body had
1 St. Leger to Carleton, April ^. — 5. P. Holland.
92 LIFE AND TIMES OF
given a decisive answer to the king's requests, Buckingham,
with his accustomed impetuosity, had written to several
officers then serving in the Low Countries, requesting their
services in the coming expedition. Of these historical
letters, the following is the one that has most interest
for us : —
THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM TO SIR E. CECIL.
" SIR,
" It hath pleased his Matie, in contemplation of the extremitie
in w°h he sees his deare Brother and sister, at their earnest suites
often offered to his gratious father of happie memorie, and now
renewed to him, to thinke of the waies to remedie the necessities
they are in, and of his meere Grace, and favour to mee, hath
chosen mee to putt in Execution those wayes deliberated on, that
may most conduce to the restoring of them to their Estates and
Dignities. So as it is resolved upon that a ffleete of shipps may
bee employed, accompanied w*h tenne thousand land souldiers,
wch may doe some notable effects to move those that have
disposes! his Maties deare sister of her inheritance, to loose that
prize. And of having undertaken that charge, w*h that care and
dutie I owe to that trust and service, have amongst my consider-
ations of the wayes to those ends made choice of yu as a second
person to myselfe, upon whom I must repose my honour, wch is
ample argument of my opinion of yr vertue and abilities. And
although I am confident that even that trust of myne is enough
to stirr up a lesse noble heart then yours, to applie all in yr power
to discharge it ; yet I will lay before you, that it is yr restauration
of our gratious Master's Sister and Nephewes, for the publique
good, for the honour of our nation, and the glorie of our
Gratious King and Mr. And this I say, not to inflame yu to
Action whereof there is noe need, but to stirr up yr endeavour
to deale w*h that Prince and People, to bee sensible of the
great case (by diversion) that will come to them. And in that
manner w°h they would have purchased but two yeares since
at any rate. And from these, and all other arguments that
shall offer themselves to yu, to move that State according to a
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 93
negotiation of Sr William S*. Legers w'h them, not onelie to
performe their promise of a 1,000 trayned men, and disciplined,
but alsoe to encrease them to a thousand more if it be possible.
And if they desire that new men should bee return'd for them,
to conclude of a certaine day, and the easiest way for the
conveying those men to Plymouth, where the rendez vous is for
the whole Armie by Sea and Land on the 26. It is heere
understood that the thousand or two thousand Men shall come
w*h their Captaines and Officers ; And that further there should
bee leave granted to some other principall Colonells to come into
his Armie, for the better fortefying of it, who should have their
Collonelships reserved for them, if it shall please God to
returne them againe to their service. And for their officers and
Captns to have like leave to come w*h like priviledge for the
conservation of their Companies, and Lieutenants as many as yu
shall thinke worthie to chuse, and have spiritts to quitt that day
certaine entertaynemt for the ambitions to bee CaptM, Covetous
to measure gould by their hatts, and other spoiles by shipps
Lading, and the honour of a brave accord, ffor the Colonells,
the officers, and some Lieutenants of speciall note yu shall receive
a Lyst heerew'h. And to yu that know soe well the advantage
of the practise of Armes and order, I shall not need to wish yu to
make hast to send over the officers that must discipline the
souldiers at their Rendez Vous, before they goe aboard ; nor to
pray yu to make hast, to the end yu may bee readie to receive
the Armie, distribute them, hold them in Justice and obedience,
and advance the discipline as much as may bee possible.
" I hope Sr William St. Leger will bee able to come to yu w*h
somewhat more particular Instruction and information. The
King's Ambassadour is upon the ould negotiation, and these new
directions to give yu as much light as is requisite and will assist
yu w*h all endeavour, for the accomplishing of the propositions
and for the perfecting of that yu shall conclude off; if yu find it
to be councelleable to hast yr selfe hither, and leave one of those
Colonells there whom yu shall thinke fitt to give expedition to the
worke that must follow you. Corporalls of the field, Quartre
Masters, Enginiers, and Commissaries of the Artillerie, yu will
not forgett to furnish the Armie w*h, and whatsoever else yu may
know to bee had more convenientlie there then heere.
94 LIFE AND TIMES OF
" I will use no other expression to yu then that I have putt
into yr hands the first infinite trust and pawne of my good will
that ever I had in my power to bestow, w'h I have done w*h the
confidence and affection of
" Yr. Lop. faythfull friend
" and servant,
"G. BUCKINGHAM.
" Whitehall, 4th of
May, I625."1
There is no proof that Sir Edward Cecil had asked the
duke to give him a command in the fleet now preparing
for sea ; on the contrary, we have it on Cecil's own
authority that he had never expected the honour now con-
ferred upon him.2 It must also be distinctly borne in mind
that the command which Buckingham offered Cecil in the
first instance, was that of Lord Marshal of the army on
board the fleet, the supreme command of the fleet being
reserved by the Lord High Admiral for himself.
The same day that the duke wrote to Sir E. Cecil
offering him the above appointment, he wrote to Sir Dudley
Carleton, Sir Horace Vere, Sir John Burroughs, and the
Earl of Oxford.3 All these letters were carried to Holland
by Sir W. St. Leger, who was sent there on a special
mission, as will presently appear. These letters all related
to " the great design," as we may call it. Carleton was to
get a commission from the ex-king of Bohemia appointing
Buckingham to the command of the fleet. He was also to
1 From the copy of the duke's letter in Harl, MSS. 3638 f. gSb.
1 The letter from Cecil to Buckingham in Cabala I. 128-9, dated "20
Novemb.," has been wrongly supposed to have been written in 1624. It was
really written in 1621, at the same time that Cecil wrote to the Prince of
Wales soliciting for the command of any troops that might be sent to the
Palatinate. See the Prince's letter to Buckingham given at the end of
chapter I. in this vol.
1 S. P. Holland for May, 1625
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 95
use his influence with the States-General to induce them to
send a certain number of picked English troops with their
officers to serve on board the fleet. The duke's letter to
Sir Horace Vere was almost an apologetic one for his not
being asked to go with the fleet. Vere was told the States
required his services to command the English troops in the
field
" For the present I have bin soe happy as to obtain from his
Maty the creating of you a Baron," wrote the duke, " of what
place or name you will give yourself the nomination ; the patent
is drawing, but cannot bee perfected till we heare from you." l
Richly as Sir H. Vere deserved the title, it is more than
probable he would never have got it had not the king
wished to atone to him for appointing General Cecil, his
junior officer, to a high command in the fleet. The title
was a sop to appease his wounded vanity in being left
behind. Vere was one of those rare individuals who never
solicited for vacant posts and commands, consequently he
stood in danger of being neglected by venal ministers and
royal favourites. He had been treated with the greatest
ingratitude by Frederick, ex-king of Bohemia, whom he had
served so faithfully and long when commanding in the
Palatinate.2 Yet we never find him complaining or petition-
ing royalty for any favours.
Buckingham's letter to the gallant Sir John Burroughs,
then serving as colonel of a skeleton regiment in the service
1 This paragraph is specially noted in the duke's letter, as having been
written with his own hand. — S. P. Holland.
* Sir Dudley Carleton in a letter to Secretary Calvert, alluding to Vere's
distinguished services in the Palatinate, says : — " His paines and sufferance
in that service deserve (I must confesse) better countinance than he hath
found during the whole time of his abode here of the Prince Elector."
January 20, 1623. — S. P. Holland.
96 LIFE AND TIMES OF
of Count Mansfeld, was an invitation to him to go with the
fleet as a colonel of a foot regiment. This officer's gallant
defence of Frankenthal was still fresh in the minds of the
public, and his experience would be invaluable in an army
mainly composed of raw levies.
The gallant Henry de Vere, Earl of Oxford, had written
to Buckingham proffering his services in the forthcoming
expedition, and having served as a " General at sea," he
expected to have been appointed to the deputy command
of the fleet under the duke's command. This command,
however, was reserved for Sir E. Cecil, and Buckingham
told the earl, in his letter of May 5, that "he could only
offer him the Vice-Admiral's place, under the Lord Marshal,
which he did not think worthy his acceptance." Before
Lord Oxford could receive this letter, he had been wounded
in the attack on Spinola's earth works at Terheyden, and
had gone to the Hague to recruit his health.
" Lord Oxford came ten days ago," wrote Sir D. Carleton to
Lord Conway on May 23, "and the first night of his arrival fell
sick of the same fever that carried off Lord Southampton and his
son. His Phisicians despair of his recovery." l
A few days after this letter was written, Lord Oxford
departed this life at the Hague, to the great sorrow of a
large circle of friends, and, most of all, to his charming
young wife.2
Sir W. St. Leger's mission to the Hague was to move
the Assembly of the States-General, with the help of Sir
Dudley Carleton, to grant permission for 2,000 picked
• S. P. Holland.
2 Henry de Vere, i8th Earl of Oxford and Lord Chamberlain, had
married, two years previously, Lady Diana Cecil, second daughter of the
Earl of Exeter, the greatest beauty of her day, and a great heiress. Leaving
no issue, the title went to a distant cousin.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 97
British soldiers in the States' service with their officers, to
be exchanged for 2,000 recruits from home, who were
presently to be sent over. This was Buckingham's plan for
strengthening the body of soldiers who were to go with the
fleet. And it was an excellent plan, as 2,000 seasoned
veterans, interspersed among the remaining 8,000, would
have leavened the new undisciplined levies who were in sad
need of something to steady and cheer them. Unfortunately
the States did not see their way to parting with so many
of their best men, and, when they had been asked to do so
in the previous month by the British Ambassador, they had
objected to the arrangement, though they were quite willing
to send twenty ships to join the expedition and certain
whole companies of soldiers, the good and bad being taken
together. As the Dutch were to partly reap the fruits of
an expedition intended to cripple the Spanish nation,
Buckingham had great hopes they would eventually yield
the point about the picked soldiers being sent to England
in exchange for the same number of recruits, and St. Leger
accordingly was sent over, on May 5, to press the point,
and help General Cecil to procure such warlike provisions
for the troops as could not be readily got in England.
In a matter so entirely military, the States' Assembly
would not act without the advice of the Prince of Orange,
who, as Commander-in-chief of the States' army, was the
most fitting person to be consulted in the business St.
Leger was sent to negotiate.
"Sir Wm St. Leger went on igth [May] to the camp at Wall-
wick," wrote Carleton to Secretary Conway, " to dyspose his
Excellency, with the help of my Lord General Cecyll, to so good
an advise as might give contentment" 1
1 Carleton to Conway, May 25. — S, P. Holland.
VOL. II. H
98 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Illness had prevented St. Leger going sooner to the
army encamped at Waelwick,1 but Sir Dudley Carleton
had, with his usual promptness, attended to the instructions
sent him by Buckingham, and had procured from the
King of Bohemia Buckingham's commission.2 That facile
monarch had also agreed to a paper being drawn up,
sanctioning the King of Great Britain's arbitration in all
his (Frederick's) affairs.3 Whilst Buckingham's friends
were forwarding his great design in Holland, his friends
in England were preparing for the coming expedition
with a will. Lord Conway, Secretary of State, was the
Duke's most devoted servant, and it is said that it was
Conway who first set the fashion of addressing Bucking^
ham as "Your Excellency," which was a title then un-
known to English ears.4 Whatever scheme Buckingham
floated, Conway set himself to advance it with all his
heart and soul. He only saw with the Duke's eyes,
heard with the Duke's ears, and wrote what his "noble
patron," as he called him, wished. Such a man, in the
high position he filled, was able to play into the Duke's
hands, and was of the greatest possible service to him in
all his political undertakings. We find him writing, in his
official capacity, on May 25, to Sir Dudley Carleton, Sir
Edward Cecil, and Colonel Hopton. He asked the two
first "to move Mr. Hopton to leave Mansfeld's service,
and go with the fleet."6 His letter to Colonel Hopton
contained the offer of an appointment on board the fleet.6
The anxiety displayed to obtain the services of this gallant
1 Carleton to Buckingham, June 20, Cabala i. p. 345.
* Carleton to Conway, May 25. — S. P. Holland.
3 Ibid.
4 Dr. Gardiner's History of England, iv. p. 410.
* Conway's Letter Book, May, 1625. — 5". P. Dom.
9 Ibid.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 99
young officer affords proof of the estimation he was held
in by those in authority. Besides his fitness to command
a regiment in the field, his distinguished services to the
Queen of Bohemia, after the fatal battle of the White Hill,
where she owed her safety,1 under Providence, to the
courage and presence of mind of young Ralph Hopton,
were not forgotten by those who wished it to be generally
understood, that the great fleet was meant to avenge
wrongs done to the King and Queen of Bohemia.
The result of St. Leger's mission to Holland, and the
preparations for the coming voyage, made by General
Cecil before leaving the Low Countries, are detailed in a
long letter from Cecil to Secretary Conway, written from
the Hague on June 2, acknowledging the receipt of Conway's
letter, and informing the Secretary that Cecil had forwarded
Conway's letter to Mr. Hopton as desired.
" Touching your businesse here," wrote Cecil, " the State hath
been as contrary to us as the wind. For though they see a great
action likely to be performed to their own good, with little cost to
themselves, yet they desire to be so wise as to make benefit, both
wayes, and not to balk any advantage, which makes them stand
so stiff upon the denying of us officers and souldiers by election,
and will yield to send none but whole companies. . . . But Sir
Wm St. Leger and I have utterly refused their offer as a proposi-
tion against his Majestie's service, for by this ignorant winter war
our Companies are grown half new men, having lost most of our
old, and of those new men the half are sick besides. ... It
pleased my Lord the Duke to write to me a letter and to let
me know he had chosen me his officer, to attend and obey him
this journey ; an honour too great for me, because I did never
expect it"
1 "In the flight of Elizabeth from Prague, she travelled principally in. a
coach, but when the badness of the roads, or the necessity for speed, rendered
that impossible, she mounted horse behind a young British volunteer named
Hopton, whose life-long boast was the service he had thus rendered her."
Green's Princesses, v. pp. 348-9.
H 2
IOO LIFE AND TIMES OF
Cecil goes on to detail what warlike materials he had
bought from the States' Government for the use of the
fleet. Amongst other things, he mentions having bought
ten pieces of new ordnance called drakes, "which shoot
70 musket bullets."
" I hope," continued Cecil, " they will prove the profitablest
pieces that were ever used in the quarrel of his Majestie's friends
.... My Lord, now is the time for getting good musquetiers ;
there are many hundred to be found in England that have served
in this Land, which by proclamation and promise of money in
hand, or more pay, will easily discover themselves, whom some of
the new men (to be released) will be glad to satisfy, without
charge to his Majestic." *
It would have been well if Lord Conway had taken
Cecil's advice about procuring good musketeers, and it
would have been still better if the Duke of Buckingham
had taken precautions against what Cecil warns him
against, in the following important letter, which is tinged
with a prophetic colouring : —
SIR E. CECIL TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" MY MOST EXCELLENT LORD,
" There are some letters of mine that had come to yr Lord-
ship's hands a good many dayes since, had not the wind been
contrary and withstood their passage, the substance whereof was
only to shew you how thankful I hold myself to yr Excellencie for
so great and infinite a favor as it hath pleased your Excellencie to
think me worthie of. But, as it is a favour that will set me on
work all the dayes of my life, so it is greater than I can ever
deserve. Howsoever, my resolution is to do my best. And I
humbly beseech your Excellencie to believe, that with my diligence
and the best understanding I have, I will seek nothing but to
Cecil to Conway, Cabala, i. pp. 130-1.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. IOI
please you and to honour you ; and if God say Amen, to make the
world speak of your design as much (I hope) as ever our Nation
hath given cause. And for the faults of myself and those I shall
bring with me, they shall not be excused, but with our lives and
bloods ; for I hope I shall bring none but such as know what to
do, and when they come to it, will bite sooner than bark. I do
promise myself your Excellencie will have no cause to doubt or
repent you of your favours, for I know what men have done and
what they can do in my occupation. But God is God, and men
are but men.
"All my discouragement is that the States answer not his
Majesties expectation, being fearful (especially since the loss of
Breda) to part with any of their old officers, or ould Souldiers ;
but my hope is now better, for we have put them to another
resolution by answering all their objections. By this disposition
of the States to the keeping all their old souldiers, I wish your
Excellencie will be pleased to be as careful in your choice, as you
are desirous of great designs. For otherwise the honour and the
charge will both be cast away, as your Excellencie may perceive
in some of our latter expeditions, seeing that although there are
many called Souldiers in the world, yet but a few there be that
are so ; for so long a man may live in the profession to inable
him sufficiently, that many grow unable to perform what they
know before they have attained to the knowledge of what to
perform. The knowledge of war being the highest of human
things that God suffereth man's understanding to reach unto.
" I have, according to your Excellencie's command, made as
many provisions as I can for the shortnesse of the time of such
things as cannot be gotten in England, and I could wish I had
known of this imployment but some months sooner ; for then I
could have saved his Majestic somewhat, and have added many
things that would very much have advanced the service. For in
our profession the preparing of things belonging to the war doth
more show a man's experience and judgment then anything else,
by reason the first errours are the begetting of many more that
afterwards cannot be avoided. Your Excellencie may be pleased
to inform yourself of all the exploits and undertakings of our
nation, that more of them hath suffered (for the most part) more
than through the negligence of provisions, as in victual, munition,
IO2 LIFE AND TIMES OF
boats for Landing, and for the receiving of sick men to keep the
rest from infection. In this point of provision it is not good to trust
upon a particular man, for gain is a corrupter where the case is
not publique, and in so great an expedition one must do with
living men as they do with the dead, there must be Overseers and
executors to have a true intent well performed.
" I have presumed to write thus much to shew my thankfulnesse
to your Excellencie and my great affection to his Majestie's
service, whereof I am infinitely possessed. I hear your Excel-
lencie is in France, but my prayers to God are to send you safe
and happie home, for the World holds you the Soul of advancing
his Majesties affairs, wherein his Honour is ingaged as it is,
especially in this action, being the first and a Great One.
"And as for myselff, who am now a creature you have made, I
know not what I shall do when I come to England, being your
Excellencies shadow only.
" I have here attended the wind, and since I cannot force it, I
am glad of the opportunity to send the letters by Sir Henry Vane,
who goes over Land, a Passage I am not capable of, having been
so long their enemie. But I hope God will send me soon after,
leaving Sir Wm St. Leger here for the dispatch of that which
remains. I have written more particularly to my Lord Conway,
which I dare not set down here for fear of being tedious, and
knowing his Lordship will give your Excellencie an account of it.
And so in all humblenesse and duty I pray God send your Excle
honour and length of life for his Majesties affairs, and for the
happinesse of
" Your Lordship's most humble, faithful,
" and obedient servant,
" ED. CECYLL.
" Hagh, the
3rd of June,
1625."!
General Cecil was kept waiting for a fair wind until
June 9, when he left the Hague with despatches to Lord
1 Cabala, pt. I. pp. 132-4.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 1 03
Conway from Sir. D. Carleton and Sir. W. St. Leger.1
The latter was left to conclude negotiations with the States
and purchase more corslets, firelocks, &c., for the use of
the soldiers pressed to serve on board the fleet. At this
early stage of preparation for the voyage, the want of
money, which was to be so severely felt later on, and which
was to paralyse the whole undertaking, was beginning to
be felt. St. Leger had bought and paid for some small
ordnance, firelocks, " and other utenses belonging to the
warres, by General Cecyll's advice and direction," for
which he now begged Lord Conway he might be repaid.2
Poor Lord Conway was soon to be deluged with petitions
from all quarters asking for " the sinews of war."
Buckingham had been sent over to France to escort the
Queen of England to Dover, where her husband was
waiting for her with all the impatience and ardour of a
young lover. The Queen's arrival in England was delayed,
partly by her mother's serious illness, and partly by the
strange conduct of her escort. The inflammable heart of
the splendid Buckingham had been captivated by the
dazzling beauty of Anne of Austria, the neglected young
consort of Louis XIII. Not trying to conceal his feelings,
he amazed the French Court by the extravagance of his
insolent passion for the Queen of France.3 And when he
arrived at Boulogne with Henrietta Maria and her escort,
he pretended that he had received despatches of great
importance from his Court, and hastened back to Amiens
(where Anne of Austria remained with the Queen-mother),
that he might once more see and speak to the object of
his unseemly passion.*
1 Endorsed "the 9 of June, by Generall Cecyll."— S. P. Holland.
2 St. Leger to Conway, June 9. — S. P. Holland.
1 Miss Strickland's Queens of England, iv. p. 155. « * Ibid.
IO4 LIFE AND TIMES OF
On June 12, Queen Henrietta Maria landed at Dover.
On the following morning Charles joined his young bride
at Dover Castle, and journeyed with her to Canterbury the
same day, where the King and Queen were married, accord-
ing to the rites of the Church of England, in the great hall
of St. Augustine at Canterbury. Next day they set out
for London.1
Sir Albert Morton, co-Secretary of State with Lord
Conway, had accompanied Buckingham to France to help
the Duke in a political plan which the latter had suddenly
set his heart on. Some clever man had suggested an
attack on the Flemish ports by the English fleet. It only
needed the co-operation of France and the States in this
design to ensure success. Louis XIII. declined to join in
any openly aggressive step against Spain. The Duke had
better hopes from the States, whose interest it was to drive
the Spaniards from the Netherlands, and Sir Albert
Morton was despatched to the Hague to urge a joint
Anglo-Dutch attack upon Flanders. Morton arrived at
Dover late on June 14, and found that Sir Edward Cecil
was there.
"The night the King departed from Canterbury I came to
Dover," wrote Secretary Morton to Secretary Conway, " but so
late that Sir Edward Cecill was in bed before my arrivall, and this
morning gone from hence before I could attend him. But what
I might have learned from him I shall be sufficiently informed in
by my Lord Ambassador and Sir W. St. Leger at the Haghe." 2
Leaving Morton3 to pursue his journey to the Hague,
on what proved to be a fruitless mission, and leaving Cecil
1 Endymion Porter to his wife, June 14. — S. P. Dom.
2 Morton to Conway, June 16. — S. P. Dom.
3 Secretary Morton died on September 6 of this year, of a fever, soon after
his return from the Netherlands, and Sir John Coke was appointed Secretary
in his place.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. IO5
to proceed to London, where he was to hear more of the
arduous employment in store for him, we will take a
glance at what transpired in the Parliament, which, after
many prorogations, met at Westminster on June 18.
Parliament was opened by Charles in person, who wore
his crown, though he had not yet been publicly crowned.
The King's speech was short, and though vague as to the
line of policy he intended to pursue, was clear enough as to
what he expected from his Parliament. Charles said the
late Parliament had engaged him in war, and his subjects
were as much bound in honour to give him the necessary
supplies for carrying on the war as he was in keeping his
engagements. The Lord Keeper (Williams) then rose, and
without frightening the Houses by going into figures,
briefly stated what the King's chief engagements were.
" The late King," he said, " only desired the restitution of the
Palatinate, and therefore supplied the Low Countries with troops,
raised an array for Mansfeld, prepared an invincible navy to
scatter the forces of his opposites in the circumference of their
own dominions, in which preparation the King, that now is, is so
engaged that he had rather go to his grave than not to go on in this
design." l
Charles's engagements, or debts, for the next twelve
months, which he had not the moral courage to disclose to
Parliament until the temper of the Houses had been
sounded, were : —
The King of Denmark .. .. .. .. .£360,000
Mansfeld's Troops .. .. .. .. .. 240,000
Troops in the Low Countries .. .. .. 100,000
Reinforcements for Ireland .. .. .. .. 25,000
Fleet and Army to attack Spain .. .. .. 300,000
Total £1,025,000.*
1 Debates in the House of Commons , 1625 (Camden Society Pub.), p. 2.
2 Jbid., Preface, p. vi.
IO6 LIFE AND TIMES OF
The main part of the King's opening speech had broadly
hinted at a want of supplies, the close of it held out vague
hopes that the true religion of the country would be
maintained intact. When the Commons met for business
on June 21, their first thought was to redress religious
grievances, and their last to grant a subsidy.
The anxiety of the Commons with regard to religion
was most natural. The marriage of the King to a Roman
Catholic Princess caused much uneasiness and many
dilemmas, which were to increase as time went on. It
Charles kept to the articles of his marriage treaty he would
lose the love and esteem of his Protestant subjects. If he
broke them he forfeited the affection of his wife, the esteem
of his Roman Catholic subjects, and probably the alliance
of France. Puritanism was greatly on the increase, and
there were many of this superstitious sect who attributed
the outbreak of the plague, which was now raging in
London, to what they called an idolatrous marriage.
When the Commons had finished their debate on religion,
and had drawn up a petition on the subject to be presented
to Charles, after the Lords had signified their approval of
its contents, the important debate on supply occupied the
attention of the Commons. Unwilling to give a total
denial to their young king, yet at the same time showing
their want of confidence in Charles and his advisers, and
demanding an account of the last money granted for
the recovery of the Palatinate, they contented themselves
with granting him two subsidies and petitioned for a
recess, owing to the great mortality in London from the
plague.
The grant of .£140,000 was a mere trifle to the King,
deeply pledged as he was to meet engagements for over a
million. Unless a sufficiently large sum was voted, the
war policy of Charles and Buckingham must be abandoned.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL.
Both had gone too far to abandon the "great design,"
from which so much was expected by them. Buckingham,
the leading spirit in this enterprise, determined to take the
bull by the horns, and let the House know what engage-
ments his Majesty had entered into — engagements from
which he could not now possibly recede. The person the
Duke made choice of to lay the facts before the Commons
was Sir John Coke, Commissioner for the Navy, of whom
much will be heard later on. On July 8, Coke made his
statement to a very empty house. After explaining how
the subsidies granted by the last Parliament had been
expended, and attributing the breakdown of Mansfeld's
expedition to the unavoidable force of circumstances, Coke
stated that a sum of nearly £300,000 would be required to
equip the fleet now getting ready for sea. Before the
astonished members could recover their equanimity, they
were further informed that Mansfeld and the King of
Denmark would each require £240,000 in the next twelve
months to enable them to uphold the Protestant con-
federacy in Germany. These were not all the King's
engagements, but enough to lay before the Commons
in one day, and in order to shame the House into a
more generous spirit than had hitherto distinguished it,
Coke wound up his speech by declaring that the King,
when Prince, had borrowed £20,000 to advance the good
cause, that the Lord Admiral had engaged all his
estate, and other ministers had advanced £50,000 for
the same purpose. " Even the establishment of his
Majesty on his royal throne," concluded Coke, "the peace
of Christendom and the state of religion depend upon
the fleet." l
Leaving these unpleasant revelations to sink into the
1 Debates in the House of Commons , pp. 57-8.
IO8 LIFE AND TIMES OF
hearts of the Commons, the subject was for the present
wisely dropped, and, on July n, the two Houses were
prorogued until August I, when they were to meet again
at Oxford.
The plague continued to make great ravages in London,
and the metropolis was by no means a desirable residence.
Sir Edward Cecil let his house in the Strand to the Dutch
ambassador for £140 a year, and took lodgings at an
apothecary's close by.1 As he was not a member of this
first Parliament of Charles I., it is probable that as soon as
his business was transacted he went to Wimbledon, from
which place the latter of the two following letters was
written : —
SIR E. CECIL TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" MY MOST EXCELLENT LORD,
" The occasion of my boldnesse in presenting your Excellency
with these lines, is for that, contrary to my expectation, I hear that
there is a Commission a drawing to make Sir Horace Vere a
Baron of England. It is strange to me at this time to hear it, for
that I know not what worth there is more in him, than in those,
that are equal in profession and before him in birth.2 If your Ex.
have made choice of me to be your second in this journey of so
much charge and expectation, and to make me lesse than I was,
what courage shall I have to do you service ? or what honour will
redound to your Excellencie. But although I write it, yet I cannot
believe it, for that I know you of that judgment and noblenesse that
you will rather add to your faithful servants, although they beg it
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, June 25. Court and Times of Charles /., i. p. 36.
2 On his mother's side, Edward Cecil was descended from a family almost
as illustrous and ancient as the Veres. But a descent through the female line
can never, in my opinion, vie with a long and unbroken descent in the male
line. Were it otherwise, then was Cecil's blood as blue as Horace Vere's, for
Cecil's great grandmother on his mother's side was Dorothy de Vere, grand-
daughter of John de Vere, I2th Earl of Oxford.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. IOQ
not, then to disgrace them and make them lesse. Therefore I will
continue my belief and rest,
" Your Excie most humble
" and obedient servant,
"Eo. CECYLL.
"19 of July,
1625." *
SIR E. CECIL TO LORD CONWAY.
" MY VERY GOOD LORD,
"Since the appointmen* yor Lopp made for or meeting at
Windesore I have attended all the Removes of the Courte, wth
the rest of the Colonells and officers wch yor Lopp did appointe to
waite there, and when I was coming to Okinge [Woking], I under-
stood the king was to come to Nonsuch, whether I went, and
afterwardes to Richmond, but in neither place was it my good
happ to meete w*h yor Lopp, yet notwthstanding I spoke wth my
Lord Duke who hath referrd all our meetinges till the Councell
comes to Oxenforde, and because I am uncertaine of the day and
unwilling that my diligence should importune to much my Lord
Duke and yor Lopp, I humbly intreate yor Lopp that you would know
of his Grace the day when it is his pleasure that my selfe and the
Colonells should attend him there. In the meane time I beseech
yor Lopp to give me leave, as you have done by the memorialls
that yor Lopp hath by you to be thought on, to gaine time, wch is the
principall for the managing of a warre, that is to remember yor
Lopp that the Troupes now at Plimmouth, and the officers that
are lately dispatcht by me, wch are 42 Captna, 21 Lieutes, and 29
Ensignes may not want mony whereby they may disband, make
the charge unprofitable, and the officers miserable who are poore
enough already ; likewise that there may be meanes thought uppon
for the 2,000 that are in the Lowe Countries, to be dispatcht
away in regard of the uncertaintie of the wind and the missinge
of the Convoy wch the States 20 shippes may give them, that other-
wise wilbe hard for them to find ; likewise to gaine wch is much
spent already. I do also recomend to yor Lopps favor that the
Cabala, pt. i. p. 134.
IIO LIFE AND TIMES OF
presse for the 3,000 men might be hastned, wch will require some
time, in the performance of wch it will serve to awaken those doubt-
full spirittes that do thinke in regard of the slownesse of the pro-
ceedinges and the latenesse of the yeare it is impossible the voyage
should hould. Likewise that it may please yor Lopp we may have a
press for Drumme[r]s and Surgeons,1 and that there may be more
allowance for Victualls for the officers and traine of the Ordnance,
wch are at the least some 3 or 400 more then the 10,000 wch are
already provided for. Lastly, I humbly beseech yor Lopp that you
would favor me so much as to let me know what newes you heare
from Sr John Ogle concerning himselfe and the armie there, and
that it may please yor Lopp, if you shall thinke it fitting that there
may be letters written weekely, whereby yor Lopp and my selfe may
understand how thinges may be the better prepared for, wch hether-
to for my owne part I have beene altogether ignorant of, and that
likewise my Comission and instructions may be thought uppon
the better to gaine time. And so in all due respect I humbly
kisse yor Lopp9 handes and rest,
" Yor Lopp>> most humble servant,
" Wimbledon this " ED, CECYLL.
" xxixtb of July,
" 1625.
" May it please yor Lopp
All the Colonells and officers dine wlh
me this day where we shall drinke
yor Loppa health." 2
Amongst those " gentlemen of fortune " who applied for
some post aboard the great fleet, none were more solicitous
for employment than Thomas Lord Cromwell.3 This noble
1 It would seem that very little trouble was taken to press competent
surgeons for the fleet, as we find from a certificate signed by the Mayor of
New Sarum, on September 4, that a certain Wm. Goodridge of that city had
been pressed to serve as surgeon in the army at Plymouth, and that, "he was
sixty years old, afflicted with stone and gout, and had not sufficient skill in
surgery for his Majesty's service.'' — S. f. Dom.
2 S. P. Dom, 1625, vol. iv. No. 143.
3 Thomas Cromwell, 4th Baron Cromwell, was created Viscount Lecale, in
the Irish peerage, November 22, 1624, and Earl of Ardglass in the same
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. HI
" adventurer " had accepted the colonelcy of an English
regiment in Count Mansfeld's last disastrous expedition,
and the miseries he underwent in that employment made
him move heaven and earth to get home again. After the
capture of Breda, Mansfeld's skeleton regiments had been
sent to North Holland, to get rid of them for a time, as
they were utterly unable to proceed to the Palatinate. So
extenuated was Mansfeld's force by death and desertion,
that ten days after the taking of Breda, Lord Cromwell's
whole regiment did not number 22O.1 Starvation and
want of pay followed the remnant of Mansfeld's 12,000
to their new destination.
" We live here most miserably," wrote Lord Cromwell to Lord
Conway, " and I protest to God were it not for dead horses and
catts our armey had perished since our coming to Haffin (?) which
is our Leaguer. All the English that is left are 600, which are put
under Lieutenant Coronell Hopton's command .... they that
know Mansfield best say that he never payd any man."
Lord Cromwell then goes on to ask for employment.
" By sea or land good my Lord send me, for to live with Dutch I
can but lerne to drincke, which already I have known to[o] well." 2
Whilst Mansfeld's troops were starving in Holland, the
8,000 pressed men, who had arrived at Plymouth the end
of May from all quarters of England, were in not much
better condition. Colonel Sir John Ogle had been sent to
command the troops in the western district, with the rank
of Colonel-General, which rank seems to have been
equivalent to a Brigadier- General. His headquarters
were at Plymouth, and he had to make preparations for
country in 1645. He was descended from the famous Thomas Cromwell,
Earl of Essex (minister to Henry VIII.), through that nobleman's son George,
created Lord Cromwell 1540.
1 Cromwell to Carleton, June J.—S. P. Holland.
3 Cromwell to Conway, June $.— S. P. Holland.
I 1 2 LIFE AND TIMES OF
the arrival and billeting of the 8,000 pressed men, who
were driven like sheep to the slaughter, to the great sea-
port of the west, from all the neighbouring shires. In
those days Plymouth was not a very large place, and the
sudden influx of such a number of recruits and sailors was
a grievous burden to the townspeople, who had to lodge
and feed them, for the allowance of half-a-crown a week
to each man was, even in those days, utterly inadequate
to feed able-bodied men, who had brought nothing with
them from their country homes except keen appetites.
Plymouth soon became so full, that accommodation had
to be found for the incoming soldiers in the villages around
Plymouth, some of which were twenty miles from the
seaport.
A worthy Devonian, who flourished at the time of which
we treat, and whose journal has been handed down to us,
stigmatises soldiers in his diary as one of the " Plagues of
England." l This is not astonishing when we consider
what rogues and vagabonds were pressed to serve on
board a fleet, the destination of which they were com-
pletely ignorant of. Torn from their wives and families
at a moment's notice, and marched off with nothing save
the clothes they stood in, which in many cases consisted
of nothing but rags, or such light apparel as scarcely
served for decency, was it surprising that on the line of
march gratuities were offered to the officers conducting
such recruits to Plymouth to march further on, that no
demands might be made during the halt for hose, shoes,
shirts, and conduct money.2
The want of suitable clothing would have mattered little
1 Walter YongJs Diary, p. 82, note.
2 Ibid. The king having no money, the "coat and conduct money" for
the pressed men had to be paid by the people under promise of future
payment.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 113
had there been, as there certainly ought, supplies of
clothing waiting for the recruits at Plymouth. But there
was not, and the officers who had the disagreeable task of
bringing these ragged companies to their rendezvous, had
but little money to supply their own wants, as their pay,
like the soldiers, was in arrears. That veteran campaigner,
Sir John Ogle, who had seen every phase of a military life,
and who, with only one eye, could discern latent soldierly
qualities in the most unlikely looking recruits, saw nothing
of a very hopeful nature in the newly pressed men who
came pouring into Plymouth. "This is a knotty and
cumbersome business," wrote Ogle to Lord Conway ; l
referring to the hard task expected from him of dis-
ciplining, drilling, clothing, and making soldiers of the
troops put under his command, many of whom were
old, lame and sick.2 How different were these men
from the volunteers who filled the ranks of the British
regiments in the service of the States. They had enlisted
of their own free will, knowing they would be well clothed,
well fed, and well paid by the Dutch Government. The
Plymouth pressed men had been forced into a service of
which they neither knew nor cared for the object that
called for their services. The sympathy at one time so
strong among the people of England, for the disinherited
King and Queen of Bohemia, had been for ever crushed
by the miserable fate that had befallen the 12,000 British
soldiers, who had left England's shores only a few months
before to reconquer the Palatinate. The more Ogle saw of
the new levies, the less he liked them.
"They can no way be made serviceable without supply of
necessaries," wrote the general commanding at Plymouth to Lord
1 June 12, 1625.— .S1. P. Dom.
* Ibid.
VOL. II.
114 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Conway, "such as shirts, stockings, shoes, breeches, &c., es-
pecially the three first, whereof the want is general through most
part of the said troops. The number of lame, impotent and un-
able men unfitt for actual service is very great .... wholly to
decline this business (and of my self) being employed in it by his
gracious Majesty, I dare not .... how to go forward in it with
assurance and resolution I know not, the work is so knotty and
full of incumbrance. I trust you will consider of me, and as I
will do my best, so you will do the best for me, which I think is
that you will bring me fairly off." 1
It must have been an Augean task indeed, that made
such a hard-working soldier as Ogle desire, at this early
stage of the business, to retire from his post. His judg-
ment however was not at fault, for, as time went on, his
work became more complicated and hopeless of a satis-
factory issue.
Buckingham's original plan of sending 2,000 recruits to
Holland, in exchange for 2,000 picked British veterans,
had been adhered to, despite the refusal of the States to
accede to the proposal. General Cecil had distinctly told
the Duke and Lord Conway in his letters to them from the
Hague that the States had declined this exchange, but he
hoped to bring them to a new resolution. Before waiting
to hear what this resolution was, 2,000 raw recruits pressed
chiefly in Lancashire and the wilds of Northumberland,
were brought to Hull and despatched by sea to the Brill,
under the command of Captain Courtenay, one of Cecil's
own officers. This gallant officer had shown great ability
and bravery in the siege of Bergen-op-Zoom, in 1622, and
was pre-eminently fitted for any service requiring ability
and resolution, yet did he find the task of keeping 2,000
Lancashire and Northumbrian roughs in order, many of
1 Ogle to Conway, June 18.— S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. I I 5
whom had only one single garment to cover their naked-
ness, almost too much for him. He had to apply to Lord
Conway for the services of another officer to help him in
his labour, and, accordingly, Lieutenant Chaworth was
sent to Hull.1 At last Courtenay got his unruly troops on
board ship and sailed for Brill, where they arrived on June
the i pth.
" Captain Courtney is come hither with our Hull troops," wrote
Sir D. Carleton to Lord Conway, "when we were in hopes
they might be countermanded upon my Lord Generall Cecill's
arrival." 2
The contrariety of the wind had delayed Cecil's arrival
in England, and the troops were despatched before he
could make his report to Secretary Conway. It almost
looked as if Buckingham meant to thrust his raw levies
upon the Dutch by main force, and carry out his plan of
procuring 2,000 seasoned veterans.
The day after the arrival of the English recruits, the
States-General came to a final decision in the matter of
lending officers and men to go with the fleet. They agreed
to allow General Cecil, Colonel Sir Edward Harwood,
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Edward Conway, seven captains,
eighteen lieutenants, and six ensigns, to absent themselves
from their service for the space of three months, and enter
the service and pay of the King of England, their places
and commands in the States'army being kept open for them.
It was specially stipulated in this agreement that these
1 ' ' Lieut. Chaworth came in seasonable time, for I never met with such
unruly men, especially those from Northumberland, who were brought for
the most part naked save their coats." Courtenay to Conway, Jane? — S. P.
Dom.
2 June 20. — S. P. Holland.
I 2
I 1 6 LIFE AND TIMES OF
officers did not take any of their soldiers with them.1
Such was the substance of the resolution arrived at by the
States-General, a copy of which resolution was sent to
London by Sir W. St. Leger, who, having now finished his
work in Holland, returned to England where his services
were required.
On August 1st, the two Houses of Parliament reas-
sembled at Oxford ; the King and court taking up their
residence at Woodstock.
On the meeting of Parliament, the Commons renewed
their complaints on the grievances of the nation, the chief
of which was religion. On August 4th the King came to
Oxford, from Woodstock, and summoned the Houses to
come before him in Christchurch Hall. Once more did
Charles make an appeal for funds to support him in the
coming war. Lord Conway and Sir John Coke addressed
the Houses on behalf of the Crown, and urged the
necessity of granting his Majesty a sufficient supply for
sending out the great fleet, which was to re-establish the
power of Great Britain in Europe and refill an exhausted
Exchequer, thus eventually repaying the outlay expended
on it, cent, per cent. It is well known that half confidences
are worse than none. The Commons were still kept in
ignorance as to the ulterior object in sending out the fleet,
and the actual sum required to enable Charles to fulfil his
engagements, which they disowned. The debates that
followed on the two days succeeding the King's, Conway's,
and Coke's speeches, were full of mistrust of Charles's
favourite and ministers. Sir Robert Philips, in a long and
1 Agreement by the States (in French) June 20. — S. F. Holland. See
also a work in Dutch, published by the Utrecht Historical Society (Historisch
Gezelschap gtvestigd te Utrecht) Werken . . . Nieuwe Reeks (Utrecht, 1863,
&c.), iv. pp. 13-14.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. I I 7
incisive speech against the Government, said he would not
argue whether the fleet were best to go or stay ; whether
leagues abroad be apt to support such great actions.
" The [French] match hath not yet brought the French to join
with us in a defensive war," concluded Philips, " or any longer
than conduceth to their own advantage. The best way to secure
ourselves is to suppress the Papists here." *
On August 8th, Buckingham made his appearance in
Christchurch Hall to make a statement on behalf of the
King and Government, of which body he himself was the
central and leading figure. He began by throwing a sop to
the Commons. This sop was the information that the King
fully granted what had been demanded of him in their
petition of religion. After this he entered into a defence
of his foreign policy, and described the state of affairs on
the Continent in quite a new light to Parliament. In answer
to a charge made against him in a former speech that he
had acted without the advice of the Council of War, or the
Privy Council, the Duke utterly denied the fact, and said
all he had done had been by the advice of those Councils.
Then came a vague statement about the great fleet now
preparing, and the utter absurdity of some members' sug-
gestions that the fleet was not intended to sail.2 Bucking-
1 Debates in House of Commons, p. 82.
2 The mistrust evinced by the Commons as to Buckingham's intentions
regarding the fleet was greatly due to an unpleasant affair which at this time
was exciting general indignation. It seems that King James, shortly before
his death, promised to lend six ships to Louis of France to be employe
against the Genoese. When the time arrived for the delivery of these ships to
the French, Louis suddenly discovered they would be more useful if sent
against the Rochelle Huguenots then in rebellion against him. He prevailed
on Charles, by Buckingham's means, to allow him to employ the ships as he
pleased, and accordingly they were sent to Dieppe under the command of
Captain Pennington. A suspicion arose among the officers and crews that
Il8 LIFE AND TIMES OF
ham concluded his declaration by exhorting his hearers
to trust the King and give him the means to maintain
the war.
Whatever good effects might have resulted from Bucking-
ham's apparently honest exposition of his policy were
marred by a statement made by Sir Robert Mansell,
Vice-Admiral of England, in the debate which took place
in the House a day or two after. Mansell, as a member
of the Council of War, protested against the Duke's asser-
tion that the Council of War had given their consent to
the levy of 10,000 soldiers, and declared they were ignorant
of the destination of the fleet.
All efforts to induce the Commons to grant a large
supply having failed, Charles determined to dissolve the
Parliament. Sir Robert Heath, the Solicitor-General, made
a brave stand on behalf of Buckingham and the Court
party before the fatal hour of dissolution arrived. He
informed the House that the late king ordered the fleet to
be got ready in the previous December, and in the same
month Mansell, Sir John Coke and Captain Love, received
commands to confer frequently with Buckingham, which
they did, examining maps and debating together how they
might best annoy the King of Spain. The Lords of the
Council were often called in to these conferences. Lord
Chichester had left papers at his death to show how far he
agreed with them. Lords Brooke and Grandison could
testify they were consulted in the matter.
they were to be employed against the Huguenots, and they weighed anchor
and returned to the Downs. Pennington sent word of the mutiny and its
cause to Buckingham, who sent an express order for the ships to return to
Dieppe. The King sent a similar order. Pennington was obliged to obey
the command, and the ships were delivered up to the French in Dieppe
harbour, but the seamen and their officers all deserted, utterly refusing to serve
against Rochelle.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. I 1 9
"Divers plans were propounded and presented to the king,
but Sir Robert Mansell," continued Heath, " was full of medita-
tion upon his own devices. In February, he (Mansell) gave over
upon discontent, and there are those who can witness that he said
if he could not have his own desire he would meddle no more in
the business." Heath concluded by saying that " yesterday I met
with Sir Edward Cecil,1 who knoweth the design, and upon his
life and honour, it is both very probable and iiot newly thought
upon, but heretofore continued [contrived] by the Prince of
Orange." 2
Mansell had barely time to give some rebutting evidence
when the hour for dissolution arrived. The business of the
House came to an end by a declaration of the Commons
addressed to his Majesty, in which they expressed their
loyalty and affection for his sacred person, and inferred in
a delicate manner that they would be willing at the proper
time, when their grievances were redressed, to vote him
necessary supplies in a parliamentary way.
Thus ended the first Parliament of Charles I. and it ended
in a victory for the Commons. By declining to authorise
the sending out of the great fleet, or granting a supply to
victual and equip it, Parliament effectually crippled the
resources of the projectors of the great design, and hung
a millstone round the neck of the unfortunate man who
was to command one of the largest fleets that had ever
spread sail upon salt water.
Previous to the meeting of Parliament at Oxford, it had
been a settled thing that Buckingham should go with the
fleet as commander-in-chief by sea and land, his deputy
being Sir E. Cecil, who was to be the marshal of the field.
It was on this understanding that Cecil had accepted the
command. It was not till about the first week in August,
1 Cecil, it will be remembered, was one of the Council of War.
2 Delates in the Commons, pp. 122-3.
J2O LIFE AND TIMES OF
when Cecil and his brother colonels waited on the Duke at
Woodstock, that Cecil was offered the supreme command of
the fleet by Buckingham, who had suddenly decided not to
go. Cecil was placed in an awkward predicament. To
refuse would be to offend the man who had given him an
important command in preference to all others, and it would
be throwing away the chance of future preferment and
advancement. To accept the high command now offered
him would place Cecil in a position far above many of his
superiors in rank and give him the power which his am-
bitious soul made him at all times covet. This latter con-
sideration, if no other, doubtless had much to do with
Cecil's acceptance of a command for which, as a soldier and
landsman, he was naturally unfitted. Blind to after conse-
quences, he let his noble patron shift the heavy load of
responsibility on to his shoulders and saddle him with a
command which even Buckingham, the most sanguine
political and warlike gambler in England, had begun to
find too onerous for himself. The die was cast. General
Cecil was introduced to the King, at Woodstock, by the
Duke, as the commander-in-chief of the great fleet now
getting ready for sea. To do the Duke justice, he begged
Charles not to judge Cecil by the success of the expedition,
but by the care and diligence the general showed in his
very responsible post.1 This was not from any mistrust of
Cecil's ability, but because the Duke foresaw that the refusal
of Parliament to grant supplies would cause the fleet to
go to sea both badly victualled and badly equipped in all
necessary respects, and so materially lessen the chance of
success.
On August 13, an order was sent to Nicholas (Bucking-
ham's secretary) to deliver a duplicate of the Duke's patent
1 Wimbledon to Buckingham, February 27, 1626. — S. f. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 121
of Lieut-General of the fleet to Sir Edward Cecil.1 The
Duke retained for himself the pompous title of generalissimo
of the fleet, much to the amusement of the sailors.2 His
commission from Frederick, King of Bohemia, was proved
to be a mere empty form, as Cecil was entirely ignorant
such a commission had ever been granted.3 So much for
the value of the King's and Buckingham's assertion that
the main object of the fleet was to advance the cause of
Frederick and his family.
The new commander of the fleet had not yet been to
Plymouth and seen the troops he was to command. Their
state and the wants of the fleet were still unknown to him,
and it is not to be supposed Buckingham had informed
Cecil of these things, when he asked him to go as Admiral
of the whole fleet. Lord Conway would also keep his own
counsel, so that Cecil and his officers left Oxford in ignor-
ance of what was in store for them, beyond the bare facts
that Parliament had refused to grant supplies, or sanction the
setting out of the great fleet. " The General and Colonels of
the fleet have been here these two days," wrote Sir F. Nether-
sole to Sir D. Carleton, from Woodstock, on Aug. 14, " and
they reckon to be going to-morrow towards Plymouth." *
1 Endorsement on the cover of a letter from Mr. Fotherley to Nicholas,
dated August 13. — S. P. Dom.
2 Dr. Gardiner's History of England, vi. p. IO.
8 Sir D. Carleton, who had procured a commission from the King of
Bohemia for Buckingham in May, had the curiosity in after years to ask Cecil
if he had also received a commission from Frederick, appointing him (Cecil)
general of the fleet in 1625. This is the answer Carleton received — "The
Lord Duke was generall by his M"e" command, and had thereby absolute
power to transferr his command and whole authoritie to any deputie. Hee
offered to have procured it mee from his Matie, but, because I would not
lessen his honour, I tooke it from himselfe and had a deputation to command
in chiefe as Lieutenant Generall and Marshall. But for commission from the
King of Bohemia I never heard of anie such thing, nor had other then this."
Viscount Wimbledon to Viscount Dorchester, March 1 6, 1629.— .5". P, Dom.
4 S, P. Dom.
122 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Despite the obstruction of Parliament as regarded his
foreign policy, Charles had continued to carry on his war-
like preparations all the month of July. We find him
sending a request through his ambassador at the Hague
to the Prince of Orange, to the effect that Colonel the Earl
of Essex and Sir John Proude might have leave to come to
England and go with the fleet.1 The Prince of Orange was
at first inclined to refuse leave to both these officers,2 but at
length granted them permission. Colonel Ralph Hopton
had already arrived in England,3 and Lord Cromwell's
earnest entreaties for leave to quit Mansfeld's service and
go with the fleet were soon to be hearkened to.4 The
services of Sir John Burroughs, Sir Edward Conway, Sir
Edward Harwood, Sir Charles Rich, Sir Henry . Bruce, Sir
George Blundell, Sir W. St. Leger, and other gallant officers
who had served in the Low Countries, had been already en-
gaged for the King's service. They had left their several
employments in full and perfect trust that their sovereign
would pay them for their coming services.
Since the death of James the four new English regiments,
in the service of the States, but in the pay of the King of
England, had been very irregularly paid, and we find
the colonels of these regiments writing frequently to the
Council of War about their lack of pay.5 These appeals
produced no results, and the King's coffers being almost
empty, at last the paymaster of the King's forces in the
Netherlands declined to advance any more money for these
1 Carleton to Lord Conway, July 17. — S. P. Holland.
2 Carleton to Conway, July. ?— S. P. Holland.
3 On July 20 Hopton landed at Deal. Hopton to Lords — ? July 23. —
S. P. Dom.
4 Lord Cromwell had again written to Lord Conway on July 12 asking for
leave to return home. — S. P. Holland.
* See letters signed by Lord Essex and the three other colonels commanding
the new English regiments to the Council of War, dated June 5, 20, and 27-
— S. P. Holland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 123
four new regiments.1 The credit of the King of Great
Britain was, at this early stage of his reign, at a very low
ebb indeed.
That wonderful scene-shifter, George Villiers, Duke of
Buckingham, who had played fast and loose with the
interests of the King and Queen of Bohemia ever since they
had appealed to the British Court to uphold their falling
fortunes, felt himself bound, now that he had resigned the
command of that fleet which he had assured Frederick was
to be sent forth as the avenger of the ex-King's wrongs, to
make some statement to the royal exiles, assuring them of
his good faith. " Tell the Queen of Bohemia" wrote this
plausible courtier to the English ambassador at the Hague,
" that when shee thinkes me farthest off, I am then nerest
her service." 3
Whether the Queen of Bohemia took any comfort in this
message, or merely accepted it for what it was worth, she
certainly hoped great things from the expedition Bucking-
ham was preparing to send out. " The great fleet is almost
ready to goe out," wrote Elizabeth joyfully, on July 26, to
her faithful servant, Sir Thomas Roe. But M. de Rusdorff,
Frederick's ambassador in England, wrote in anything but
a hopeful strain to his master regarding this great fleet and
the important results it was to achieve.
" The summer is almost gone, the ships are only victualled for
six weeks, and the troops and officers who command them are of
such a kind that one cannot look for great things from them,"
wrote Rusdorff, from Southampton, to his master, " and," con-
tinued the ambassador, with the prophetic vision of a reasoning
creature, " all the other circumstances of the case being taken into
1 See certificate from Julian Calandrini, paymaster to the four new English
regiments, dated June 27. — S. P. Holland.
2 July 21, 1625.—^. P. Holland.
124 LIFE AND TIMES OF
consideration, lead me to conclude that the troubles in Germany
will not be set right by this fleet." *
Rusdorff had already tried to persuade Charles to send
the 10,000 land soldiers, pressed for service with the fleet
to the assistance of the King of Denmark, who was very
hard pressed by Tilly in Germany.2 But Charles had set
his heart on humbling Philip of Spain, and the Dutch who
were to co-operate with him in this enterprise, sent com-
missioners to Southampton, where the King was residing,
who took good care to fan the anti-Spanish flame. On
September 8, the Treaty of Southampton3 was signed and
ratified. By this treaty the States-General entered into an
offensive and defensive alliance with England, and agreed to
contribute one ship for every four sent out by England
against Spain.
On the dissolution of Parliament, Charles determined to
issue Privy Seals for borrowing money from his subjects.
This step was taken with the consent of the Privy Council,
who approved of the continuance of the preparations for
sending out the fleet.4 Had the supply which this forced
loan was to produce been forthcoming, when the troops
assembled at Plymouth the end of May, they would have
presented a very different appearance the first week in Sep-
tember, when their commander, Sir Edward Cecil, and the
colonels who were to have the charge of them, arrived at
Plymouth. As it was, the Privy Seals were issued too late
to benefit the fleet and those on board it, " for the fleet was
1 Rusdorff to Frederick — *. " ', Memoires et negotiations de M. deRttsdorff,
i. p. 609
3 Ibid. p. 6ll.
3 A draft copy of this treaty is given in S. P. Holland, dated August 25,
1625.
* Dr. Gardiner's History of England vi. p. 3.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 125
at sea before a single penny of the loan came into the King's
hands." l Charles certainly received a large sum during the
months of August and September, as his Queen's dowry
was paid into the Exchequer, but there were so many
urgent calls on his purse, besides the fleet, that only an in-
adequate sum was at liberty to fit out that most expensive
of all expeditions, a large joint sea and land armament.
Christian of Denmark, Count Mansfeld, and the English
regiments in the Low Countries were all clamouring for pay.
Even the 2,000 men sent from Hull in June, to Holland,
under Captain Courtenay, had lived on the British ambassa-
dor's credit2 These poor wretches, fresh from the plough
and the coal fields of the north, instead of learning their
drill and the meaning of the word discipline, were cooped
up in small vessels at Rotterdam, waiting for a fair wind
to carry them to Plymouth, where their equally untaught
and undisciplined comrades were assembled, clamouring
for food and clothes and, getting little of both given them,
helped themselves to their neighbours' property when they
had the chance.
" I have had no small trouble with 2000 soldiers sent hither out
of the North of England," wrote Sir D. Carleton to Sir F.
Nethersole, secretary to the Queen of Bohemia, "to be exchanged
with the States, for so many old musquettiers, which the weakness
of the States' army, especially in the English nation, could not
admit, and having understood his Majesty's intention to use these
2000 in the service of the fleet, I caused them three weeks since
to be embarqued at Rotterdam, where they have layn ever since on
board, attending the wind, but I hope now they will get away.
The wind being become reasonable good, and their convoy being
three men of warre of the States with all things else ready for their
1 Dr. Gardiner's History of England, vi. p. 3.
* Carleton to Lord Conway. August 19. — S. P. Holland.
126 LIFE AND TIMES OF
journey to Plimmouth, these three men of warre being part of the
twenty which are to join with his Majesty's fleet, and have for the
most part bin kept until! now on this side of the sea by contrary
winds." l
When these ragged half starved men arrived at Plymouth,
the end of August, they considerably added to the con-
fusion and insubordination there reigning, bringing new
dilemmas to the general commanding in those parts.2
Sir Edward Cecil arrived at Plymouth on September 5,
and took over the command of the troops from Sir John
Ogle. "Yesterday the Lord Marshall caused his com-
mission to be [publickly] read,"3 wrote Ogle to Lord
Conway on September 6. For some weeks previous to
Cecil's arrival, Ogle had been soliciting Lord Conway for
leave to retire from his present employment. Buckingham
being well aware of Ogle's military capacities had offered
him the important post of Colonel-General of the troops to
go with the fleet.4 Even this post, the next highest to
Cecil's, who was Lord Marshal and Admiral, did not tempt
the man who had seen so much of the troops he was to
command. When Ogle found the Duke had decided not
to go with the fleet he had no compunction in declining
the appointment offered him.
" Sir W. St. Leger hath shewed me a commission from my Lord
the Duke directed to me. I confesse with title and stile too farr
above my meritt or capacitye if I looked that waye," wrote Ogle
1 Sjjj August.— S. P. Holland.
2 Ogle to Conway, August 30 and 31. — S. P. Dom.
3 S. P. Dom.
4 Ogle, referring to the Duke's offering to appoint him Colonel-General of
the troops on board the fleet, said, he did not wish to go, unless the Duke
went in person, "who told me if he went," continues Ogle, in his letter to
Secretary Conway on this subject, " he would not be unwilling to have my
company, and in such an obedience I shall be ever ready to hazard my life."
August 23. — S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 127
to Conway on Sept 6, " I humblye thanke his Grace for his soe
good opinion of mee, and will praie for him and the advancement
of all his noble dessines, but since it hath pleased God to turne
my bodie from action by weakness and present infirmitye, as he
hath longe since my minde from ambition and desire of imploy-
ment, I humblye intreat your noble Lordshipp to fashion my
retreat having had my share pretilye well in the travile of
this business." *
These last few words convey a world of meaning.
However weak in body Ogle was, it is evident he had
good reasons for not wishing to go with the fleet. He had
but one eye, but that was a soldier's eye, and it showed him
many things to discourage his wish, if he ever had any, of a
command on board the great fleet. On September 9, Sir
John Ogle wrote to the Duke desiring leave to retire from
the army altogether and adopt a course of life more to his
taste.2 His resignation was accepted, and the veteran
soldier entered the Church, where he by no means showed
that lack of ambition which he describes to Lord Conway
in the above letter.3
On his arrival at Plymouth Cecil found his hands full of
work. In his double capacity of General and Admiral he
had a multiplicity of arduous duties to perform. Getting
the 10,000 soldiers ready for sea, putting them into
regiments and selecting their officers, would have been
work enough for any man, but, besides all this, he had to
make out a list — and a very long one it was — of the wants
of the fleet, agitate for fresh troops to fill up vacancies, and
for money to pay them. As Deputy-Admiral, under
Buckingham, Cecil had to see to the clearance of the
1 Ogle to Conway, September 6. — S. P. Dom.
2 S. P. Dom.
3 "There is a talk that Sir John Ogle shall be Bishop of St. David's."
Mead to Stuteville, October 14, 1626. Court and Times, i. p. 158.
128 LIFE AND TIMES OF
English Channel of all pirates and privateers. The follow-
ing letter from the Lord High Admiral greeted Cecil a day
or two after his arrival at Plymouth.
THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM TO SIR E. CECIL.
" MY LORD,
" I have intelligence that about 18 sayle of Dunkerke shipps
are passed out and gonne towards the West, keepinge on the
ffrench Coast in their passage to Spaine, I pray yor Lop therefore
(callinge together a Councell) to advise of a good number of good
shippes, and to send them to sea on the ffrench side, to see if
they canne meet with those Dunkerkers as they passe, wch if they
canne doe, I pray give them their order to assaulte, subdue, and
take them, if by anie hostile or other safe meanes they possible
canne, and bringe them and their shipps into some of his Matlei
Ports to be kept safe till further order ; on notice of ther p'ceedinge
I leave it to yr Lop to give such Instruccons to such comaunders
of the shipps as you shall imploy in this service, as on advise with
some of the principall officers, and Comaunders with you, shalbe
thought fitt, and most prbable to meete with, and to subdue these
Dunkerkers. And so I rest,
" Yor Lopps verie Loving friend,
" South'ton [Southampton] " GEORGE BUCKINGHAM.
" Sep. 4, I625.1
" To Sr Edward Cecill, Lo. : Marshall
of his Matles Army and Deputie Admu
of the ffleete."
1 S. P. Dom. 1625, vol. v. No. 102. By the articles of the Treaty of Southamp-
ton, the Dutch agreed to blockade the Flemish ports, whilst the Anglo-Dutch
fleet did the same by the Spanish ports on the coast of Spain. It appears
that ten privateers had managed to slip through the blockading squadron
off Dunkirk, and get away, thus causing considerable uneasiness to
English mariners. Cecil sent out Sir Samuel Argall in search of the enemy,
who did not succeed in capturing a single pirate or privateer, but brought
back, after a seven days' cruise, some French and Dutch prizes whose captains
were suspected of Spanish proclivities. Dr. Gardiner's History of England,
vi. p. 12.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. I2Q
The unsatisfactory state of the troops, and the backward-
ness of the preparations for sending out the fleet, are best
described in General Cecil's own words.
SIR E. CECIL TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
"Mv GRATIOUS LORD,
" Before I received your Excies letter I had taken order for
an enquirie about the defectes of the Fleete ; especiallie in matter
of victual!, the foundacon of this and all expeditions, and with
what speede the computacon can possiblie bee made, yr Exlie shall
have it, according to your directions. I cannot thinke but that
the wantes are manie, begotten out of so long a peace. And if
the journeie begett nothing but experience, yet the cost is not
cast awaie.
" I was not deceived when I asked 2000 new pressed men ; for
3000 I could well employ heere, to the good of the Armie, his
Maties Honour, and your Exties contentment. For there are manie
of our Men that want clothes, the furnishing whereof, will bee
chargeable to his Matie ; and without beeing furnished, they will
not bee able to put to sea, this winter journeie. Besides there
are manie of our number wanting; and those wee have will wast
dailie by runnawaies, by sicknes, and by those that will hide
themselves from us, when we shall come to ship the Armie.
Of the 2000 that went into the Low-Countries, there are come
back to us but 1500, and of that 1500, 500 are sick. If it will
please your Ex016 to send mee a presse, for 500 men more, heere,
about Plimmouth, I shall use them verie fitlie for his Matie*
service ; the Gentlemen having made mee the offer themselves,
the place beeing populous enough ; and they will be fitter for mee
so neare hand, where I maie have the choise of taking and
leaving; and neede requires it, since we can carrie but 10,000
Men, officers and all, of which, if wee want wee cannot bee
supplied, but must manie waies bee still subject to diminish.
" Now that wee are to draw the Armie together, I humblie
beseech your Excle, that we maie want no moneie, for I found that
want heere much complained of, and where it continues so, there
will be no command, nor the meanes to husband thinges, as
otherwise wee might doe for his Matie" service. I find the Annie,
VOL. II. K
I3O LIFE AND TIMES OF
so ill in that point, and busines by that meanes so out of order,
that (I feare) I shall not with all my care and paines, bring the
Troupes into order, fitt for your Exck* view, yet, theise 10 or 15
daies ; for hitherto, they have lost their time, lying so farre asunder,
unarmed ; besides the charge that might have beene saved, and
the Armie much better, which, had I beene heere at the
beginning, I would have undertaken.
" The ^£20,000 ordained for the stock will bee much lessened,
when 3000 for beare shall bee paid out, and 3000 for imprest
moneie, which your Excie hath ordained, for the high officers of
the field. And an Armie is of that Nature, that will still bee
requiring of many necessaries, wherof the occasion Doth not
presentlie show it selfe ; and at our Returne there will bee manie
wantes, that will call miserablie upon us.
" I shall be glad to receive your Excie8 order, touching our
Lordes Voluntarie, and whome your Excie will appoint for Vice-
admirall and Rere-admirall.
" The impedimentes that will most hinder our proceedinges, (I
take it) will bee want of moneie, and the revictualling of our
shippes. For they speake of three weekes, before the beare will
be readie. For moneie (in my judgment) it is now a verie con-
venient time for privie scales, now that the Armie and Fleete are
readie to depart, when it cannot bee unseasonablie done, to trie
men's affections to the cause of their countrie that doubted the
action would never goe on ; humblie beseeching your Excie, that
my Brother Cooke's [Coke's] ^1000 maie be the first accepted of.
And so in all humble manner, I rest,
" your Excies
" Plimmouth, the 6th of " most faithful & obedient
Sept. : 1625." ! " servant & soldier,
" ED. CECYLL."
SIR E. CECIL TO LORD CONWAY.
" MY VERIE GOOD LORD,
" I hold it my part and dutie, in regard of your place, and
the care your Lop hath of this employment, besides my particular
1 S. P. Dom, 1625, vol. vi. No. 23.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 13!
obligacon", to advertise your Lop how I have found the Armie
and mine owne proceeding.
" The Troupes are so farre lodged from this place, that, as the
Proverbe saies, — 'they are better fedd than taught.' And they
might as well have staied in their owne countries to have saved
his Maties charge, which I feare wee shall have neede of, if we lie
heere more than a moneth, for I find the shippes backward ; and
the States' shippes not yet come, but onlie three.
" For the Troupes, it is necessarie they bee drawne nearer, and
the allowance of half a crowne is so litle, that the gentlemen of
the countrie are afraid that when the soldier must be forced to
live on that pay, hee will range abroad. I have engaged myselfe
to them, that if they will send mee in straw and victuall, I will
hold them in such order, as it shall not be my fault.
" Concerning the list I brought downe, the most part were
those that your Lop recommended ; and I was so careful to choose
the best, that I did leave manie of mine owne frendes behind, and
some of them my kinsmen, bycause I would make them but
ensignes. The reason was, my Lo : Duke told mee, that I should
suffer none to come, but such as I would answere for. Where-
upon I desired yo Lop to write to Sr J : Ogle to send his list up,
which your Lop hath, and I would bee glad your Lop would send
it downe, to see whether I did not follow it; yet with your
directions, that if I did find anie one insufficient, I should take
the way best for his Maties service, for as men are now preferred,
our profession of the warre is almost marred, having no gentlemen
that will traile a pike, or learne to bee a soldier.
" For the Captaines that I found heere, and that your Lop hath
againe recommended, I could take exceptions, bycause I know
manie of them have not beene soldiers, and although they have
taken paines to eat well and lie well, yet I fear I shall see but
litle fruit from them, more than to cassere those that I brought
downe with mee, choice men. But those that were so recom-
mended to me, I neither could nor durst return e ; J and the choise
1 From a minute in Lord Conway's letter book, dated September 5, it
would appear that Buckingham desired that the officers he had nominated
might not be removed from their commands, but for insufficiency or mis-
carriage.— S. P. Dom.
K 2
132 LIFE AND TIMES OF
men had attended so long without meanes, that they were forced
to pawne their clothes. If theise had beene sent back, it would
have made them pawne their soules, for they must have turnd
theeves.
" Theise thinges considered, your Lopmay please to thinke what
a labirinth I have beene in, either to have lost many frendes, as
well the Recomenders, as the recomended, or else to betray
his MaUes service, and my Lo : Duke's commandemente. But, I
thank God, I am now gotten out as well as I can ; and I have
not neglected your Lo1"8 commandementes, nor putt his Matie to
more charge, yet there are 1 1 captaines and officers to them more
then the 100 that was sett downe ; and yr Lop knowes how much
advantage it will bee to fight with manie officers, especiallie in the
command of rawe soldiers. And to show that his Matle is not at
more charge, it will appeare by the list my Lo : Duke gave mee,
signed with his owne hand, for imprest money to Cap068, where I
have found a way how to content men, and husband his Matie"
treasure. I doe heere send yr Lop the list now perfected, which
till now I never could. I have recommended everie one to his
charge. And if the shippes bee not our hindrance, I hope to be
readie shortlie. But if his Matie and they come before 10 daies,
I shall not be readie to show them anie thing worthie their sight*
for an Armie is no nimble bodie ; and yr Lop must consider that
I have not found a soldier armed of the 10,000, and what time is
spent, to draw the shipping to the shore, to take out the armes,
to have the armes dressed that are rustic, and to deliver them to
the soldiers, that are manie of them 24 miles off.
" I was not deceived when I desired a presse of 2000, for I find
the want so great, as I did imagine could not bee otherwise. And
if I had 3000, I could bestow them well for his Maties service, for
the Troupes that came out of the Low Countries, doe want 500 ; 1
and verie neare 500 of the remainer sick, besides manie gone, and
impotent. And so manie there are out of clothes, that they cannot
live on shipboard without beeing better furnished ; and for his
Matie to cloth thiese men, it were an extreme difficultie, as the
1 In consequence of this deficiency, a warrant was issued on September 12
for a press for 500 soldiers, to be conducted to Plymouth with all speed. —
S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 133
time standes, so that if I may understand his MaUea pleasure by
your Lop what shall bee done in this ; if it please his Matle I will
cassere the unserviceable men to save his Matle the charge. And
your Lop shall doe his MaUe a great service, to cause those Com-
missioners to bee punished, that have ventured to serve his Matie
with Rogues, and those to bee punished likewise, that receive
Runawaies, without punishment. If there bee no example made,
this service will grow ridiculous, long peace having [made all old
good customes seeme strange ; and yr Lop may take better order
against the negligence of the Postes, for my Lo : Duke's letter and
your LoP" were 4 daies comming.
" For the commandement that I have received from my Lo :
Duke to sett out shippes after the 18 Dunkerkers, I am now going
abourd to conferre with a Counsell at sea, to performe that
command without anie delay. Thus thanking God for his infinite
favour, who hitherto hath preserved our Fleete and land men from
the sicknes which spreades so farre, I rest,
" most humble servant to bee
" Plimmouth, the 8th of " commanded,
Sept. : 1625." 1 [ED. CECYLL,]
This letter is unsigned and is probably a copy, though it
is not so noted.
End.
"Septemb. ,8, 1625
Sr Edward Cecill.
Givinge an accompte of the
condicon he found the Troupes
in at Plimouth upon his
cominge thither."
Sir William St. Leger, who was to go with the expe-
dition as captain of one of his Majesty's ships and colonel
of one of the ten regiments on board the fleet, with the
1 S. P. Dom, 1625, vol. vi. No. 36.
134 LIFE AND TIMES OF
rank of sergeant-major-general, was as much surprised as
General Cecil had been with the sight of the troops to be
sent on active service. He wrote to Lord Conway and
detailed the miserable condition of the sea and land forces.
As Sir John Ogle was in bad health and desirous of
retiring from the service, St. Leger suggested to Lord
Conway that the post of colonel-general should be offered
to Lord Essex.
" I humbly tender unto your Lordship's consideration," wrote
St. Leger, " whether you will not think it fitt to make an offer of
that place unto my Lord of Essex againe, whoe I conceave will
give much luster [lustre] to the action, of which wee have needs
more than your Lordship will imagine. ... If your Lordship
shall not find this fitt, give me leave to name one gentleman more
unto your honour, and I will but name him, because I do not
know how he stands in the favour of your honour's gracious
patron ; if he will, he hath a good head peece of his owne if he
imploy it unto good ends, the man I mean is Sir Ferdinand
Gorges ; if neither of these, then Captain Courtney is an honest
worthie gentleman and one that hath taken much paines in this
businesse." x
Never before in England had there been such an un-
popular expedition prepared for sea as this joint naval and
military expedition of 1625. To make matters worse, a
rumour had got afloat, as far back as the end of May, that
1 Sept. 8. S. P. Dom. The Editor of John Glanville's >wr«a/ 0/V/fc? Voyage
to Cadiz in 1625 (published by the Camden Society in 1883) has unintentionally
done an injustice to the memory of Sir Edward Cecil, in stating that " Sir
W. St. Leger had urged Conway on September 8, that Lord Essex should be
in supreme command" See the Editor's preface to Glanville's Journal, p. x.
Most things were topsy-turvey in the arrangements for the expedition to
Cadiz, but for an officer of St. Leger's rank to suggest that a simple captain
of a fort regiment, as Courtenay was, should have the supreme command, would
have been too ludicrous ! A colonel-general was a much less important
personage than a lieutenant-general.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 135
corrupt victuals had been put aboard this renowned fleet,1
which naturally discouraged mariners and soldiers from
going therein. It remains to be seen whether this rumour
was false. The food on land for the troops was so scanty
that many deserted, and, of those who stayed,! many
wandered about the country killing sheep and levying
black mail on the farmers of South Devon.2 Excepting
Buckingham and his master, those most interested in the
success of the fleet looked for its departure with but little
hope. Rusdorff wrote gloomily to his master, Frederick,
about the preparations for departure.
" I can tell you nothing of our fleet," he wrote, " except that
they are still making preparations. General Sizel (sic) and his
officers have already gone to Plymouth. The king will also make
a progress there. The people are much offended because the
Duke of Buckingham does not go in person, having been the
author of such a great enterprise and preparation." 8
The feeling against Buckingham at this time seems to
have been very strong.4 Lord Cromwell, who had returned
to England with the expectation of receiving a command
on board the fleet, had the courage and good sense to give
the Duke a warning, even at the expense of displeasing that
great man.
" They say," wrote Cromwell on September 8 from Fulham to
the Duke, " the best Lords of the Council knew nothing of Count
Mansfelt's journey, or this fleet, which discontents even the best
sort, if not all ; they say it is a very great burthen your Grace
takes upon you, since none knowes anything but you. It is con-
1 Pory to Mead, June 3. — Court and Times of Charles I., i. p. 27.
2 Commissioners at Plymouth to the Council, August 12, September I. —
S. P. Dom.
* Rusdorff to Frederick, T4-j September. — Memoires, i. p. 621.
4 See Whitelock's Memorials of English affairs, p. 2.
136 LIFE AND TIMES OF
ceived that not letting others bear part of the burthen, you now
bear, it may ruin you (which heaven forbid). Much discourse
there is of your Lordship here and there as I passed home and
back, and nothing is more wondered at than that one grave man
[i.e. Privy Councillor] is not known to have your ear, except my
good and noble Lord Conway. All men say if you go not with
the fleet you will suffer in it, because if it prosper it will be
thought no act of yours ; and if it succeed ill they say it might
have been better if you had not guided the King." l
After the dissolution of Parliament at Oxford, the King
and Queen had retired to Titchfield, near Southampton,
where they were secure from the ravages of the plague
which still kept the metropolis and the suburbs in a reign
of terror. So far the married life of Charles and Henrietta
Maria had not been a happy one. Two parties and two
religions in the same house were productive of continual
strife, and, as neither husband nor wife were disposed to
give way to each other in either great things or small, they
did not at this time live happily together. Having deter-
mined to pay a visit to Plymouth to review his army and
personally inspect the fleet before the expedition left
England, Charles set out for the western port on Sep-
tember nth.
" The King goes to Plymouth on Monday," wrote one of Sir
Dudley Carleton's correspondents. " There is such want of
money that the officers [of the Household] have not enough to
pay for his Majesty's provisions on the journey." 2
If there was not enough money to provide food for the
King of England and his retinue on a short journey in
England, was it likely there was enough to victual a large
1 Printed in Cabala, \. p. 263.
1 Locke to Carleton, September 8.—S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 137
fleet of eighty ships, with 10,000 soldiers on board, bound
on a long voyage ?
The following entries in the diary of a worthy Devonian
relate to the journey of the King and other noble per-
sonages to Plymouth : —
" The 1 4th of September the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of
Holland, the Earl of Denby [Denbigh], Sir Robert Killegrew and
divers other gentlemen lay at Ash and passed through Colyton.
The King lay at Mr. Poulett's at George Henton in Somerset.
The same time the Earl of Essex passed thro' Colyton a little
after the King.
" The day before, the Lord Marshal, viz., the Earl of Arundel
came from Chideock, and passed thro' Colyford. All which
went towards Plymouth to view the soldiers, army and fleet,
which were then bound to the seas, and, as it is conceived for
some attempt against the dominion of Spain.1
The King stayed ten days at Plymouth, during which
time he reviewed the army on Roborough Down and went
aboard many of the ships to encourage the sailors. He
knighted several captains of his own ships and some of
the officers of the army.2 Before the King departed,
Buckingham obtained from him a public declaration of his
intention to create Sir Edward Cecil a Peer of England,
" on the ground," says a historian, " that the additional rank
would give him greater authority over his subordinates." 3
It is a curious fact, and one worth remembering, that
Sir Horace Vere was, by Buckingham's instrumentality,
made a Baron of England for not going with the fleet, '
and Sir Edward Cecil was made a Viscount, by the Duke's
instrumentality, for going as commander-in-chief. If the
1 Walter Yongts Diary, p. 86.
1 Glanville's Journal, p. 4.
3 Dr. Gardiner's History of England, vi. p. 12.
138 LIFE AND TIMES OF
latter failed to merit his title by the complete failure of the
expedition he commanded, it was his misfortune more than
his fault, for he did his best from first to last, but he was
quite unequal to the herculean task before him.
" Sir Edward Cecil is general both by sea and land and so hath
the greatest command that any subject hath had these hundred
years, I suppose ; "l wrote an interested contemporary. " Would
any man take upon himself the charge of a general by sea," wrote
that relentless old critic Admiral Sir Wm. Monson,2 " than had
never passed further than between England and Holland ? It
were good to know whether he sought the employment, or
whether it was put upon him against his will ; if he was led upon
it by ambition let him answer his error and that with severity ; if
it was procured by others they ought to have the same chastise-
ment he deserved." 3
If Buckingham was a good friend he was also a good
hater. When at Plymouth he came across Mr. John
Glanville,4 the Recorder of this town, who was peculiarly
obnoxious to his Grace for the active part he had taken
in the hostile debates of the last Parliament. It was
Glanville who had prepared the protestation which the
Commons addressed to his Majesty on the day of their
dissolution. This address which was so loyal may have
appeared to Charles and the Duke in their straitened
circumstances a heartless joke, for it contained fine words
1 Mead to Stuteville, October 15. — Court and Times, i. p. 53.
* Sir Wm. Monson, of the noble Lincolnshire family of that name, was
fourth son of Sir John Monson, and was born about the year 1569.
3 Churchill's Naval Tracts, iii. p. 238.
* John Glanville was a younger son of Judge Glanville. He was born at
Kil worthy, near Tavistock, about 1589, and adopted the law as his profession.
Appointed Recorder of Plymouth in 1614, and M.P. for the same port, which
he also represented in the Parliaments of 1620, 1623, 1625, 1626 and 1628.
In 1640 he was chosen Speaker of the House of Commons, and received
the honour of knighthood in the following year. Sir John Glanville died in
1661.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 139
but no money. It was now Buckingham's turn to retaliate.
He determined to send Glanville with the fleet as secretary.
This grim joke was actually carried out despite the able
lawyer's piteous protestations that he was utterly unfit for
such an employment.1 The future Speaker of the House
of Commons in the historical Parliament of 1640 was
" pressed " for the Cadiz voyage like an ordinary sailor, and
sent to sea entirely against his will.
The season was now so far advanced that every day's
delay was a matter of great importance. Buckingham
hurried on the preparations as he had pressing business on
hand in Holland and was anxious to be gone. The fleet
was divided into three squadrons — the Admiral's, Vice-
Admiral's and Rear-Admiral's. Sir E. Cecil, as Admiral
and Lieutenant-General, was appointed to his Majesty's
ship the A nne Royal ; the Earl of Essex, who was Vice-
Admiral and Colonel-General of the land forces, com-
manded the Swiftsure, and Sir Francis Steward, the Rear
Admiral, commanded the Lion. The army was divided
into ten regiments, viz : — The Duke's own regiment,
commanded in his absence by Sir John Proude. 2
"The second regiment," says Glanville, in his Journal, belonged
to the Lord Lieutenant General, as he was Lord Marshall ; the
third to Robert Earle of Essex, by the tytle of Colonell Generall ;
the fourth to Henry Viscount of Valentia* in Ireland, Master of
the Ordinance for this action, the 5th to Sir W. St. Leger, knt,
Seriant major generale; the 6th to Sir Charles Riche, knt, by the
1 Mr. Glanville's reasons against his being employed as Secretary at War
are given in the Appendix to this vol.
2 Sir John Proude, of Kent, knighted February 10, 1622-3. Nicholls'
Progresses, iii. p. 804. For an account of the Proude family, see Hasted's
Kent under Goodneston, ii. p. 315.
3 Sir Henry Power of Bersham, in Denbighshire, was created Viscount
Valentia in 1620. He d-s-p- in 1642.
I4O LIFE AND TIMES OF
name of Colonell Riche, the yth to Sir Edward Conway,1 knt.,
by the name of Colonell Conway; the 8th to Sir Edward
Whorewood,2 knt., by the name of Colonell Whorewood ; the gth
to Sir John Burgh, knt, by the name of Colonell Burgh ; and the
loth to Sir Henry Bruce, knt., by the name of Colonell Bruce."3
Each regiment was about 1,000 strong, and had a full
complement of officers, but many of these officers, as we
have seen, were quite new to the profession of arms.*
There were 5,000 seamen on board the fleet, and both great
and small brass ordnance for sea and land service, also 100
horses.6
Besides the officers already named, there went with this
expedition, Lord Delawarr,6 the Earl of Denbigh,7 Lord
Cromwell, Sir Samuel Argall,8 Sir John Chudleigh,9 Sir
John Watts,10 Sir George Blundell,11 Sir Alexander Brett,12
1 Sir Edward Conway was Lieutenant- Colonel of Lord Willoughby's regiment
in the Low Countries. He succeeded his father in 1630, as second Viscount
Conway.
2 Sir Edward Harwood, of whom hereafter.
* Glanville's Journal, pp. 2-3.
4 A list of the officers in the ten regiments will be found in the Appendix
to this vol.
4 Glanville's Journal, p. 3.
' Henry West, 4th Baron Delawarr, who married Isabella, daughter and
coheir of Sir Thomas Edmonds. He died 1628, and was succeeded by his
son Charles, 5th Baron.
7 William Fielding, Earl of Denbigh (so created 1622), married Mary
Villiers, sister of George, Duke of Buckingham. Lord Denbigh adhered to
the royal cause during the Civil Wars, and died of wounds received in action,
April 1643.
8 Sir Samuel Argall, was knighted June 26, 1622. He belonged to an old
Essex family, who owned land in that county.
9 Sir John Chudleigh, was son of John Chudleigh, of Ashton, co. Devon,
and was knighted September 22, 1625.
10 Sir John Watts was knighted by Charles I. He was son of Sir John
Watts, Lord Mayor of London, in 1 606.
11 Referred to in Cecil's letter, dated December 4, 1624.
12 A kinsman of Buckingham's (see a letter in S. P. Holland, dated
August I, 1622, from Buckingham to Carleton, recommending this gentleman
to Carleton's notice), knighted December 2, 1624, and appointed surveyor
general of the Ordnance, in 1627.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 141
Sir Richard Greenville,1 his young cousin, George Monk,
then seventeen years old, the "General Monk" of the
Commonwealth and Restoration.
On October 3, half the fleet under the Earl of Essex was
sent to Falmouth, and the other half only waited for the
Dutch squadron, which arrived on October 4, under the
command of Admiral Nassau.2 All the troops being then
on board, and the fleet supposed to be in a fit state to go to
sea, Sir Edward Cecil and the other commanders went on
board their respective ships. The Duke of Buckingham
accompanied Cecil on board the Anne Royal and there
took leave of him.3 Buckingham's sanguine temperament
made him consider the success of this great expedition an
absolute certainty.
" He had yet to learn — if indeed he ever learnt it — that thou-
sands of raw recruits do not make an army," says a modern
historian, " and that thousands of sailors dragged unwillingly into
a service which they dislike, do not make a navy. Cecil knew it,
and the expedition carried with it the worst of omens in a hesitat-
ing and despondent commander." 4
The two following letters from Cecil, written on the eve
of departure, reveal the commander-in-chiefs opinion of
what was to be expected in the coming voyage. Not even
the acquisition of a title, which was the Duke's last gift to
him the day before he went on board the fleet 5 to enter on
his command, could make Cecil take a cheerful view of
1 See a notice of this officer in Chapter VI.
* Win. de Nassau, natural son of Maurice, Prince of Orange.
3 Sir John Eliot to Conway, October 6.— S. P. Dom.
* Dr. Gardiner, as before, vi. p. 14.
* Warrant from the Duke of Buckingham to Attorney- General Coventry, to
make ready a grant for conferring the dignity of Lord Cecil, Viscount of
Wimbledon, upon Sir Edward Cecil, employed as lieutenant-general of His
Majesty's sea and land forces. Plymouth, October 3.— .S. P. Dom.
142 ' LIFE AND TIMES OF
what was before him, but, like a good soldier, he encouraged
his officers1 and only confided his fears to the most
sanguine of his employers.
SIR E. CECIL TO LORD CONWAY.
" MY VERIE GOOD LORD,
" I received a command expresly from his Majesty to send
him word when the Armie should be imbarked, which I now do
by the inclosed, as also my best affection and service (as I did
assure your Lordp) to you, at the time it pleased your Lop to doe
me more honour then I can deserve. I cannot but advertise your
Lop how his Excie the Duke hath bestirred himselfe and how
industriouslie and iuditiouslie hee hath plaied the Generall, to
the admonition of us that profess the occupation, both in Action
and Councill. In Councill hee hath setled all men's places with-
out discontentment; for it hath been agreed by vote and not
authoritie. Hee that disputed most is come a degree lower than
hee was. My lord hath done all in a week that wee doubted to
have done in three, which time was allowed us. And, were it not
that it is our obedience, it was somewhat too quick ; for wee are to
goe a long iourney and shall find no Hostes — but enemies. But
obedience is more then sacrifice, and I hope wee shall not prosper
the worse. And so in all hast on board.
" I rest, living or dying, yr Lops
" unfained and humble servant,
"Eo. CECYLL.
" Plimmouth
the 4th Oct.
1625." 2
Add. " For your Lordship."
End. " Sir Ed. Cecill to the Lord Conway. Sends also to his
Matie to give him knowledge the soldiers are imbarqued."
1 " When they (the colonels) were about to hinder the journey at Plymouth
by railing on the beggarliness of it, and discrediting it, I was content to
take it upon me, though against my judgment." Wimbledon to Buckingham,
April 28, 1626. — See this letter in Cabala.
* S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 143
SIR E. CECIL TO KING CHARLES.
" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAT18
"According to yr Maties commandment (wh. next to God's
is to mee a sacred comandment) I doe advertise yr Matie that
your Armie is on board, for, notwithstandinge the doubts conceived,
three weeks yr Matie allowed us, is by the industrie of my Lord
Generall the Duke reduced into one. And I dare say that noe
Navie, in the most stirring time, soe full of wants and defects was
ever made more readie at soe short a warning, then this w°h is
the first undertaking ffleet, after twentie yeares peace, considering
the greatnes • & the like may bee sayd for the Armie, it being noe
ordinary thing for ten thousand men that wee neyther armed, nor
exercised, nor had their Amies so much as unshipped nor carried
to their Garrisons, to bee Armed & in Battalia (as yr Matie
did witness) and shipped in lesse then a month ; if the designe
were as much in the power of the souldier as this wee have doone,
yr Matie and wee that serve you were happie. But wee have all
contrarie to us, that in respect of such an Action may bee called
Impediments. The time of the yeare for warre should bee made
in sommer, especiallie at Sea ; our Enemie hath [had] all the
intelligence that he can wish and wee have spared him a whole
Summer to fortify agt us ; wee have noe Rendezvous but must bee
forced to beat it out at Sea (for all our Enemies) these long winter
nights, where wee shall be in danger to lose most of our long
boates, and soe wee loose the best meanes wee have for landing
of our men ; and, wch is worst, the ffleet is threatened by stormes
to bee dispersed, so that all of us are not likelie to meet againe ; our
men will fall sick through the illnes of the weather, being raw
men and by nature more sicklie, even in sommer, then any Nation
of the world. These Reasons & many more may bee alleadged
ag* us ; yet neyther these, nor all the rest, can be able to discour-
age us, being in the service, but make us more resolute and
undergoing. The cause being God's, your Maties, and the cause of
Innocencie, and recomended 6° followed, by yr Maties most
faythfull, most industrious, and most couragious servant. And
now that I have delivered the true state of our Condition wch I hould
not unfitt, considering what may happen, I will thinke noe more of
the difficultie but of the Remedies, and my first and greatest shall
144 LIFE AND TIMES OF
bee, amongst the rest, my sincere and hourlie prayers to God to
prosper our succeese, wch I will likewise employ as heartilie, and
as often, to send yr Matle all happines and a long life, to the
comfort of all good men and mee occasion to show yr Matie how
much I desire to bee,
" Yr Maue»
" Loyal and obedient servant, subiect,
" souldier, living or dying,
[ED. CECYLL].
" ffrom aboard the Good shipp the
Anne Royall the [4] of
October J.625."1
Another letter of Cecil's, also dated the 4th of October,
appears to have been written on the night of the 4th, a few
hours before sailing, and to have been in answer to one
from Sir John Coke complaining of the delay in starting.
SIR E. CECIL TO SIR JOHN COKE.
" SIR,
" It is true that I came aboard yesterday, w1* a determination
to putt to sea. But the munition was not all shipped ; and the
weather would not suffer it to bee shipped to sett sail to-night.
It were better, I thinke, to attend to tide, then to leave behind
us, so necessarie a materiall. And wee have made too much
hast alreadie, considering the neglectes of the journey heeretofore
and the weight of the busines. Neither can my lo. of Essex
come out of Faymouth [Falmouth] with this wind ; who is sent
too [to] of purpose by mee. And though I vallew an hour at a
great rate, in his maUeB service, yet I had rather loose an houre,
then loose our Action. This I hope will satisfie you ; and I will
do anie thing that maie satisfie in the performance of my duty, so
I remaine,
" Yr Honours
"friend to serve you,
"ED. CECYLL."
1 The copy of this letter is preserved in Harl. MSS. 3638, fo. 107.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 145
" There shall bee a warning peele
given to sett saile at three
of the clock in the morning,
and I pray you bee as carefull
to send the munition after us,
by the Dutch shippes that staie for it."
" From the Anne Royal, the
4th of Octo: 1625."
Add.
" To the right Honorable
Sr. John Cooke, Knight ;
Secretarie of State et cetr."
End.
" 1625. Octob. 4
General Cecil fro
aboord the Anne Royal."
On October 5, at an early hour in the morning, the
great fleet sailed out of Plymouth Sound. About noon the
wind changed to south-west, and it began to blow hard.
As the ships were making direct for the Spanish coast this
wind was dead against them. The fleet must either alter
its course and stand out to sea, or else return to Plymouth.
Both these courses would be productive of delay. Sir
Edward Cecil wishing to take the best of these two courses,
and, as a landsman, not knowing which course was most
desirable, took counsel with Sir Thomas Love,2 captain of
the Anne Royal, and Mr. Cooke, master of the same ship,
1 S. P. Dom.t 1625, vol. vii., No. 10.
* Captain Love commanded one of the ships sent to Spain in 1623 to
bring back Prince Charles. It was doubtless for his services on this occasion
that he was appointed to the command of the Anne Royal, an old ship named
after Queen Anne of Denmark, and built early in the reign of James I.
VOL. II. L
146 LIFE AND TIMES OF
both of whom were supposed to be experienced seamen.
Sir Thomas Love looked at the matter from a merchant-
captain's point of view, and considered the safety of his
ship before everything else. A storm was brewing ; the
weather was misty, and a south-west gale might drive
many of the ships upon the Eddystone rock, or compel
them to put into the Isle of Wight for safety, which was
quite out of their course. Sir Edward Cecil declared his
own inclination to be to stand out to sea, as it would argue
more courage and constancy to continue the voyage than
to return to Plymouth.1 Yet, after weighing the reasons on
both sides, he thought fit to abide by his captain's advice,
and, accordingly, the fleet put back into Plymouth harbour.
A storm being expected, and the open Sound not being a
safe anchorage, it was necessary to issue fresh orders for the
safety of the fleet. Sir Edward Cecil consulted with some
English and Dutch captains who had now come aboard his
vessel. The seamen declared it was necessary for the
safety of the fleet to go further up the harbour and anchor
in Ham-oaz and Catwater.2 The Admiral of Holland and
other sea captains having advised this course to be pursued,
Sir Edward Cecil issued a warrant to this effect. This
warrant directed the orderly retreat of the ships into the
inner harbour, specifying the anchorage ground for the King's
and other ships. Special directions were given to the sea
and land commanders not to allow any of the sailors or
soldiers to go on shore on any pretence whatever, without
the Marshal's express leave. Before this warrant was circu-
lated through the fleet, many of the ships, not waiting for
the Admiral's orders, ran for the Catwater, jostling each
other and observing no order whatever. The sight was a
lamentable one, showing an utter absence of organisation
Gla ville's Journal, p. 9. 3 Glanville, p. IO.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 147
and discipline. The commander-in-chief of this disorderly
fleet, who had been accustomed for twenty-seven years to
the perfect discipline of the States' army, was much sur-
prised by the sight he now witnessed. Before Cecil could
recover his surprise, or inquire who was most to blame
for this disorderly retreat, an angry letter was brought him
from Sir John Coke, who had been left at Plymouth by the
Duke of Buckingham to speed the departure of the fleet.
Coke expressed his great grief at the disorderly return of
the fleet, for which he blamed Cecil. It concerned Cecil's
honour, he said, to suspect those who gave advice to lose
time, and if the safety of the ships was merely required,
the way would have been to have kept them at Chatham.1
Coke's wrath was just, but Cecil had received instructions
from a higher authority than Coke, which he was bound to
obey. Let us see what the King's instructions to Cecil
were, regarding the fleet.
" Wee straitly charge you to have a special care principally to
intend the suretie and safetie of our navie at all times, as the
principal honor and bulwarke of our kingdom, the suretie of your
retraite and safetie for the retorne of all our Army." 2
An inquiry was instituted by Sir John Coke and Sir
Edward Cecil, as to who had given the orders to the ships
which left their squadrons and hurried into the Catwater,
without receiving orders from the Admiral of the fleet.
On investigation it transpired that the orders had been
given by Cecil's own captain (Sir Thomas Love). On
ascertaining this Coke again wrote very sharply to Cecil
about the instructions for this retreat having been issued by
1 Coke to Cecil, October 6.— S. P. Dom.
2 " King Charles's first instructions to Sir E. Cecil, setting forth the
objects contemplated by the expedition against Spain, &c." See copy of these
instructions in Appendix.
L 2
148 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Cecil's own captain, and sarcastically asked Cecil what
obedience he could expect from those farther off, if those
nearest to him took such liberties ? He advised Cecil to
call all his captains together and openly disavow having
authorised his captain to give such orders.1
Cecil sent a speedy reply to Coke's letter.
SIR E. CECIL TO SIR JOHN COKE.
' RIGHT HoNORble
" I am very sorry that that yow tould me of yesterday is
proved so true, and before I received yor letter I did examine the
same busines and I find yt to be all one thing, the party having
confessed yt ; but I find yt was donne rather out of ignorance,
and mistaking, thean out of arrogancy ; for otherwise the wrong
was so much to me, that I should not so easily have passed by
yt ; but faultes confessed are pardoned by the highest and
mightiest power; otherwise I would not have beleeved so great
an error could have been comitted ; but for sending any thing to
the Vice-Admirall, or Reare-Admirall, that I can assure yow is not
donne, for that I have donne yt all with myne own hand ; and
howe I should have avoided a thing so secreat donne, I know not ;
and I find that wch hath been donne hath been to some pticuler
captens that belong to other esquadrons, especially to the Vice-
Admiralls ; and to sett things in a better order I will followe yonr
honors direction, in calling all the captens to me.
" For the matter of the wind, I have sitten up all night and I
found yt Southerly and no manner of wind able to bring the ship
out ; and nowe onely we want water, wch uppon the first rising
there shall be no minute of tyme lost wherein wee will not doe our
utmost endevours to gett forth; having finished this letter, I am
going myself from ship to ship to comand all diligence in going
forth.
" For the Lyon,2 I had written to yow the pticulers but that I
1 Coke to Cecil, October S.—S. P. Dom.
2 Glanville thus refers to the unseaworthiness of H.M.S. Lion in his
Journal. " While we lay thus in Harbour, it was discovered that the Lion,
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 149
know you were sufficiently informed by the shipwright, but this I
can assure yow that by good witnesse shee was 3 foote in water
before she came in, but the leake of five foote not discovered till
she came in, and so with humble thanks for yor care and zeal in
advertising of me, true and home, that I may the better pforme
the generall busines and regard myne own honour, I rest
" yor honors most faithful friend6,
" and servant,
" ED. CECYLL.
"from my ship this
8th of October i62$.1"
Add.
" To the Right Honorable Sr
John Cooke, knight, one of his
Maties principall secretaries
of state."
End.
" 1625. Octob. 8
Ld Lieute-General from
aboard the Anne Royal
in Catwater."
" The wind continued still contrarie till Saturday the 8th of
October in the forenoone/' wrote John Glanville, " all which tyme
we lay in harbour, my Lo Lietenant General lodging every night
abord according to his former resolution." 2
The delay in starting again was most galling to that
energetic civilian Sir John Coke, who seems to have blamed
Sir E. Cecil for what was the fault of the wind.
" For not making more haste," wrote Cecil to the irate Secretary,
" I can say nothing but that I have been all this night up, and
wherein Sir ffrancis Stewart, Knt., went Vice-Admiral (sic) of the ffleete, was
so leake and insufficient, that shee was not fitt to go the voyage. Ffor which
cause shee was discharged, and Sir ffrancis Stewart alsoe." p. 13.
1 S. P. Dem, 1625, vol. vii., No. 40.
2 Journal, p. 12.
I5O LIFE AND TIMES OF
the calme having been so much against any manner of wind that
no ship could stirr by any means ; and since the wind hath served
I have been from ship to ship to make ready, for that no warning
will serve their turnes, both with the Hollanders as others, and
now we stay only for the coming in of the water this hower. . . .
assure yourself I will not lose hower or minute to make all possible
speedy hast, for that I am now growen so good a seaman by your
advertisement, and my experience at this tyme, that I will beleeve
in neither capten nor maister, but follow my own cares and
endeavours, for that I find no orders, nor comands, observed but
those I follow (according to the example of my Lord Duke) in my
own person, and for my better witnesse [I beg] that you will be
pleased to send a pilote to me, to see if it be possible to go out
and witnesse what tyme we doe so." l
At last the fleet got away and stood out to sea on the
evening of October 8.
Cecil's last letter had convinced Sir John Coke that the
Admiral had not spared himself, or left others to do what
he was able to do himself — even to rowing from ship to
ship to give all necessary orders to his laggard captains.
With all this care, fourteen ships (probably colliers pressed
for the service) managed to stay behind, after the rest of
the fleet was clear of the harbour. Sir John Coke ordered
these fourteen ships which stayed behind to weigh anchor
on pain of death, and follow the fleet.2 A slight occurrence,
previous to Cecil's final departure, had greatly raised Cecil
in Coke's estimation. This was the fact of Cecil having
expelled a certain Mr. Rawley, a military volunteer, who
had served under Lord Delawarr in the Low Countries,
from the Anne Royal, for gaming, swearing, and general
insubordination on board ship.3 This person having broken
1 Cecil to Coke [evening of], October 8.— S. P. Dom.
2 Coke to Cecil, October g.— S. F. Dom.
3 Ibid.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 151
the second clause of the Articles of war,1 delivered in writ-
ing to all the ships to be strictly observed by all on board
the fleet, Cecil made an example of him and summarily
expelled him. Rawley was sent en shore to be punished
by Sir John Coke, who found him very contrite and humble.
As he had left his luggage on board the Anne Royal and
all his money, he was naturally anxious to return to the
ship and begged Coke's intercession with Cecil. As Coke
wanted to send a despatch to Cecil concerning the fourteen
ships which had tarried behind, he sent it by Rawley, who
returned in one of these ships.
The fleet had now fairly started for the coast of Spain,
the first rendezvous, appointed in case of separation, being
off the southern cape on the coast of Spain, in the latitude of
37 degrees, and the second rendezvous was to be the Bay
of Cadiz, or St. Lucar.2 These orders were delivered to the
Vice- Admiral and Rear-Admiral3 a day or two after, when
the whole fleet came together off the Cornish coast.
Thus, on October 8, the great fleet which was freighted
with the King's and Buckingham's sanguine expectations,
left the shores of Britain.
" That month and day had been fitter to have sought England
after a voyage, winter approaching," wrote that old sea commander,
Sir Wm. Monson, " than to have put themselves and ships to the
fortune of a merciless sea that yields nothing but boisterous and
cruel storms, uncomfortable and long nights, toil and travail to
the endless labour of the poor mariners." *
1 The chief of these articles are given in the Appendix to this vol. See
" Instructions given to Sir Edward Cecil by the Duke of Buckingham."
2 Glanville's Journal \ p. 6.
3 In place of Sir Francis Stewart, who was ordered to take his unseaworthy
ship, the Lion, back to Chatham, the Earl of Denbigh was appointed Rear
Admiral.
* Churchill's Naval Tracts, iii. p. 237.
152 LIFE AND TIMES OF
CHAPTER IV.
THE CADIZ VOYAGE.
1625.
" Success in the profession of a soldier depends much on chance and luck.
It is not enough to be a good player, a man must be likewise lucky." —
Memoirs of T. Bugeaud, Marshal of France.
WHEN that successful commander, but unfortunate man,
Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex, returned from his
victorious expedition to Cadiz in 1 596, he wrote what he
called his " Apology for the Cadiz Journey," a in which he
recounts the mistakes committed during the voyage.
Having shown in what a disheartened state the comman-
ders and men of the expeditionary force were in when they
left Plymouth, in October, 1625, it now remains to show
how it was that this expedition2 was so disastrous in its
results.
1 The Earle of Essex Apollogy for the Cales Journey, Harl. MSS. 7567,
fo. 114.
2 For an account of this expedition, see Campbell's Lives of the Admirals,
i- PP- 532-4 5 Churchill's Naval Tracts, iii. 234-44 ; Harleian Miscellany,
i. 221-3; Hume's Hist, of England, v. 70; Forster's Life of Sir J. Eliot,
i. 265-271 ; Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion (edit. 1849), i. 54 ; Osborne's
Memoirs, &c, ii. 27; Dr. Gardiner's Hist, of England, vi. 10-23 > Glanville's
Journal of the Voyage to Cadiz, edited for the Camden Soc., by Dr. Grosart j
Cecil's Journal of the Voyage, printed in 1627 ; Journal of the Swiftsure. —
(S. P. Dom. 1625, xi. 22) ; an anonymous Journal in S. P. Dom. 1625, (x. 67).
Geronimo de la Concepcion's Cadiz Illustrada (chapter xiv.) gives the Spanish
story of the expedition, and Larrey's Histoire de la Grande Bretagne (iv, I $-6),
gives the French account.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 153
On Sunday, October 9, the Vice-Admiral's and Rear-
Admiral's squadrons, which had been sent on before to
Falmouth on October 3, joined the Admiral's squadron off
the Lizard, and Lord Essex saluted the Admiral with nine
guns.1 On the Tuesday following, a calm having set in,
Sir Edward Cecil summoned a council of war, to attend on
board the Anne Royal, to settle upon a course of action to
be pursued in a sea-fight with any Spanish fleet, or other
enemy they fell in with. At this council Sir Thomas
Love, captain of the A nne Royal, one of the senior coun-
cillors, read, by Cecil's express desire, a form of articles
which he (Love) had drawn up, and which set forth the
line of action to be pursued in a sea-fight. It is more than
probable that this programme was drawn up by both Cecil
and Love, though the latter was credited with it.2 Love
could sail a ship as well as any man, but there is nothing
to prove he had ever fought one. Cecil knew neither how
to sail a ship nor fight one. Like the Duke of Montmor-
ency, Admiral of France, he knew nothing of the sea, and
had probably never seen a piece of ordnance shot at sea in
his life, but he knew how to manoeuvre troops on land and
how to lead them into action. The soldier-admiral looked
upon the fleet as an army, each ship being a body of men
to be moved hither and thither at a moment's notice. It
was doubtless Cecil who suggested that the fleet might
fight at sea much after the manner of an army on land ;
every ship being assigned to a particular division, rank, file,
and station.3 A cut and dried programme of this military
character was now proposed to the council of war, but there
were enough seamen in this council to see how futile such
a precise and regular plan for action would be, in the case
1 Journal of the Swiftsure,
2 Glanville, p. 15. 3 Ibid.
154 LIpE AND TIMES OF
of an unwieldy and unmanageable fleet, on so uneven and
uncertain a parade-ground as the sea. Accordingly the
council had to amend, modify and rectify the plan of action
to be followed in a possible sea engagement. The amended
articles were then ratified by Cecil, and, being committed
to writing, were made known to all the different com-
manders.
On the same day that this council was held and when
the fleet was barely out of English waters, Sir Edward
Cecil, being aware that many ships in the fleet were
scantily victualled, issued a warrant to the effect that from
henceforth both seamen and soldiers were to sit five in a
mess, only having the allowance formerly allotted to four
men.1 Is there an instance in English history where an
expedition was so short of provisions, a few days after
leaving an English port, that it was absolutely necessary to
put the sailors and soldiers on short allowance at the
commencement of the voyage ? A thing well begun is
said to be half done, but the very outset of this voyage
was ill begun, unfavourable, and ominous of a bad end.
On October 12, a fair wind set in, and the fleet took
immediate advantage of it, but in the evening it blew very
hard, and a heavy gale from the north-west set in. The
storm lasted for two days, dispersing the fleet and causing
much damage and loss. " Our antientest seamen told us
they had never been in a greater storm," wrote Secretary
Glanville in his Journal? The A nne Royal proved herself
very unfitted for such rough weather, and, being overladen
with heavy ordnance, nearly capsized during the storm, and
was in danger of losing her main mast.3 The Robert, of
Ipswich, a ship of 244 tons burthen, belonging to the Vice-
1 Glanville, p. 23. * Ibid., p. 24.
3 Ibid.; Cecil to Buckingham, Nov. 8, 1625.—^. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 155
Admiral's squadron, foundered during the storm. She had
37 sailors on board, and 138 soldiers, with Captains Fisher
and Hackett of Lord Valentia's regiment, all of whom
perished.1 There was not a ship in the whole fleet which
did not suffer in some respect by leakages, losses in masts,
boats, and the spoiling of provisions.2
The storm began to abate on the I4th, and about twenty
ships of the Admiral's squadron came in sight. On the
i /th, the Spanish coast being plainly discernible and the
wind fair, Sir Edward Cecil had his ship cleared for action.
He also caused all the gentlemen volunteers and their
servants on board his ship, who were forty in number, to
be armed with firelocks and swords. They were put under
the command of Mr. Francis Carew,3 of his Majesty's Privy
Chamber.
A calm having set in on the i8th, Cecil assembled a
council of war on board the A nne Royal and informed its
members he had called them together for three purposes.
First, to admonish the captains of different ships for their
neglect in not coming up daily to hail him and receive his
directions. Secondly, to ask their opinion concerning the
Vice-Admiral and Rear-Admiral, who, with above forty
ships, had been missing ever since the late storm. Thirdly,
to know the defects and losses that had happened during
this storm. As the Vice-Admiral and Rear-Admiral, with
the missing ships, were so soon to be met with again, we
need only refer now to the Admiral's question regarding
the losses and damage inflicted by the storm. He was
speedily informed of the loss of the Robert with all on
1 Glanville ; Cecil's Journal^ p. z. 2 Ibid., p. 27.
3 Francis Carew was made a Knight of th? Bath at the coronation of
Charles I. He was son of Sir Nicholas Carew, of Bedington, in Surrey, whose
sister Elizabeth married Sir Walter Raleigh. Sir Francis Carew died April 9,
1649.
156 LIFE AND TIMES OF
board, and then began a long string of complaints from
many of the captains of the ships in the Admiral's squadron.
So endless were the complaints, and so eager were the
narrators of the disasters that had befallen their several
ships to make the most of their misfortunes, that it was
very wisely determined on at this council to abstain from
inquiring any further how things now stood, so that the
expeditionary force might not be discouraged. But there
were many other causes to discourage both sailors and
soldiers. One of these was the discovery that many of the
muskets on board the fleet were defective, some of them so
grossly that they had no touch-holes. It was also now
found that the bullets did not fit the firearms to which they
were assigned, and that the bullet-moulds had got mislaid
among the multitudinous stores and could not be found.1
Captain Johnson, commander of one of the ammunition
ships, was held responsible for these oversights, but, as it
was too late to repair such serious defects, and the fault
really lay at another's door, Cecil said little about the
affair. Another matter now laid before the Admiral, which
was capable of a remedy, he speedily set right This was
a complaint brought by Lord Valentia against the master
of H.M.S. Reformation, wherein Lord Valentia went as
Vice-Admiral of the Vice-Admiral's squadron, and Mr.
Raleigh Gilbert2 as captain. His lordship complained that
the master had been guilty of great insolence and contempt,
not only in refusing to obey his lordship's orders, but, by
insolently saying the ship was in the master's charge and
not in his lordship's, and that therefore he would not hoist
sail when his lordship commanded. To prevent a repetition
1 Glanville, p. 28.
2 Son of Sir Walter Raleigh's half-brother, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, the dis-
tinguished navigator.
GENERAL/ SIR EDWARD CECIL. 157
of this occurrence, Cecil directed that it was to be under-
stood from henceforth that every nobleman on board any
ship in this voyage was to be chief commander in the ship,
but, at the same time, he was to be sparing in his commands,
and was only to deliver them to the captain, who would
himself give the orders to the master and other officers on
board the ship. On this occasion Cecil forbore to punish
the master of the Reformation, he being ill, and his captain
interceding for him as an able and honest seaman.1 This
little incident gives abundant proof of the contempt the
seamen had for their land commanders. The Admiral,2
Vice-Admiral, and Rear-Admiral were soldiers, and all
three were utterly ignorant of seamanship. Again, Lord
Delawarr, Lord Valentia, and Lord Cromwell, who were
respectively Vice-Admirals of the Admiral's, the Vice-
Admiral's, and the Rear-Admiral's squadrons, were also all
three soldiers and ignorant of seamanship. Between the
sailor and the soldier is a great gulf fixed — a greater gulf
than between a civilian and a soldier. Any one who has
been much at sea will recognise this fact, and will know
how helpless both civilians and soldiers are on board either
a merchant-ship or a man-of-war.
On October 19, at an early hour in the morning, the
Admiral's squadron came in sight of Cape Mondego, and
presently ten ships were descried to leeward, which were
supposed to belong to the Spanish West India fleet. The
fleetest ships in Cecil's squadron gave chase to these ten
ships, and, after a four hours' run, it was simultaneously
1 Glanville, pp. 28-9.
* The Editor of Glanville's Journal gives Cecil the title of Lord High
Admiral throughout the introductory preface to the Journal (see pages ix. ;
xi.-xiii. ; xvi. ; xxii.). There was but one Lord High Admiral, viz. the
Duke of Buckingham, and Cecil had merely the temporary rank of Admiral
for the voyage.
158 LIFE AND TIMES OF
discovered that both pursurers and pursued belonged to
the great English fleet This waste of valuable time was
entirely owing to the neglect of the captains of the pursued
ships to make the signals prescribed by the Admiral's
orders of the 3rd of October.1 Soon after this, the Vice-
Admiral and Rear-Admiral with about forty of the missing
ships were joyfully descried and hailed. On being spoken
they said they had been in this the first place of rendezvous,
for two days, having weathered the storm much better than
the Admiral's squadron.
One of the worst features about this expedition was the
absence of any settled plan of action when the fleet left
Plymouth. It is true that a council of war had been held
at Plymouth at which both the King and Buckingham were
present. At this council, Lisbon, Cadiz, and St. Lucar2
had all three been named as desirable points of attack, but
the final resolution was left for the council of war to decide
on the spot. The following clause in the King's instructions
to Sir E. Cecil explains why the fleet sailed with no settled
plan of attack : —
" And though that which we have the least in contemplation is
the taking or spoiling of a town, yet if you shall find any rich
town, that without any great hazard you may take, you may do
well to remember the great cost we have been at in this fleet, —
attempt the taking of the town, and, being gotten, be very careful
for the gathering together and possessing of the riches towards the
defraying of the cost of the fleet." 3
A gambler stakes his all on the throw of the dice, and
stands to win or lose with the calm courage of a brave
man ; but Charles played his game on an entirely different
1 Glanville, p. 30.
* Near the mouth of the Guadalquiver and the seaport of Seville.
3 See Instructions for Sir E. Cecil, given in Appendix to this vol.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. . 159
system. He hoped to acquire rich booty without running
any great risk. He expected the Admiral of his fleet to
capture Spanish fortresses, destroy Spanish shipping, and
bring home West Indian treasure ships without running
"any great hazard." Such cautious and pusillanimous
instructions were gall and wormwood to the veteran
soldier who had charged with such spirit and dash in the
memorable cavalry charge at Nieuport, and had volunteered
to conduct troops to Ostend from England when that place
was besieged by the Spaniards. Let us see what Cecil
caused to be added to the King's instructions when he
found how his hands were tied : — " And that although we
give you a strict care of the preservation of our navy, yet it
is not our meaning that thereby you shall have any doubt
to undertaking any enterprise that may be dangerous, so
long as it is by t/te advice of the council of war, for we know
very well that there is no great enterprise can be under-
taken without danger ; but only we do by these recommend
the care of our fleet to you so much as in you lieth." * This
final clause is specially noted in the King's instructions as
having been " put in by consent, but with the advice of my
Lord Cecil." 2 This codicil to the King's will, as we may
term it, has a soldierly ring about it which no other part
of the instructions possesses. It was hampered, however, by
the strict injunction that nothing was to be undertaken
without the consent of the council of war. However
necessary this injunction was in the case of an Admiral
who knew nothing of the sea, it placed the commander-
in-chief of a great undertaking in a false and dependent
position, putting him on a par with his subordinate officers,
1 See Instructions for the Duke of Buckingham concerning the fleet, in the
Appendix.
* Ibid.
I6O LIFE AND TIMES OF
though not relieving him of the responsibility which, as
nominal head, rested upon him.
On October 20, having arrived off Cape St. Vincent,
Cecil called a council of war to determine that which
ought to have been definitely settled before the fleet
sailed.
The council having assembled on board the Anne Royal,
Sir Edward Cecil delivered a paper to Secretary Glanville
to read to the assembled members. This paper declared
that the projects for the intended action were to destroy
the King of Spain's shipping ; to take and hold some place
of importance in Spain, and, above all, to hinder Spanish
commerce by waylaying the Plate fleet.1 The paper having
been read, the council began to debate and advise what
port it was best to sail for. Lisbon, St. Lucar, and Cadiz
had been named as fitting points of attack in the council
held at Plymouth. Lisbon had now been passed, so St.
Lucar and Cadiz received the attentions of the council.
When Cecil proposed the former place to the council as a
point of attack approved of by the King, the sea captains
declared it would be dangerous to enter the harbour of St.
Lucar so late in the year. Several masters of the King's
ships, who had been summoned to this council, spoke to
the same effect, declaring St. Lucar was a barred haven,
and of such difficult entrance to ships of large burthen that
they could only pass in and come out at spring tides, in
calm seasons and with favourable winds. These difficulties
of navigation were of course utterly unknown to Cecil, and
he very naturally demanded both of the sea captains and
masters why they had not spoken of these difficulties before
the King at Plymouth ? 2 They replied, " it was now the
depth of winter and stormy, and that they had told his
1 Glanville, p. 32. 2 Cecil's Journal, p. 6.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. l6l
Majesty it was a barred haven and dangerous." x " I could
say no more to them," says Cecil in his Journal of the
voyage, " being [seeing ?] I was no great seaman, and that I
was strictly tide [tied] to their advice that did profess the
sea."2 We gather from the following cutting criticism
written by Admiral Monson, when Cecil's Journal was pub-
lished in 1627, that the sea captains, on whose seamanship
their soldier-Admiral had perforce to lean, were not con-
sidered to be experienced navigators.
" If the masters knew no more than the captains," wrote
Monson in reference to their answer to Cecil about St. Lucar,
" I think they knew little, for I am informed few of the captains
had any experience and skill in sea affairs. . . . could the summer
remove the bar and give them a safe entrance? Could the
summer season give them more knowledge of pilot-ship than they
had before their coming thither? Or did they not know that
winter was approaching when they were called to the council at
Plymouth, for it could not be above twenty days more winter than
it was when they were at Plymouth ? " 8
The council of war which had assembled on board the
Admiral's ship to decide what was best to be done were
much divided in opinion. Some were for sailing for
Gibraltar and attacking that important stronghold.4 Others
considered Malaga more worthy their attention, whilst
an attack on St. Mary Port and Cadiz was voted for by
some of the members. Many good reasons were given
for a sudden attack on Gibraltar, or Malaga, but they were
overruled and set aside simply because those places were
" clean out of hope of the Plate fleet." 5 Sir Samuel Argall,
1 Cecil's Jourual. 2 Ibid.
3 Churchill's Naval Tracts, iii. p. 238.
4 Sir Henry Bruce, one of the colonels, strongly advocated a descent on
this place.
5 Lord Wimbledon's Answer to the Charge of the Earl of Essex and nine other
colonels, at the council table, relating to the expedition against Cales. Printed in
Lord Lansdowne's Works in Verse and Prose (edit. 1736), iii. p. 227 etseq.
VOL. II. M
1 62 LIFE AND TIMES OF
captain of the Swiftsure, affirmed that St. Mary Port, near
the Bay of Cadiz, was a safe anchorage ground at all seasons,
and, that the shore being low there, was convenient for the
landing of troops who could march from thence to St.
Lucar to assault and capture that place, distant only twelve
miles from St. Mary Port.1
" Hereupon it was finallie resolved and ordered by the Lord-
Lieutenant General, and with the advice and consent of the
Councell at Warre," wrote Glanville in his Chronicle, " that the
whole ffleete should forthwith beare in for St. Mary Port, as the
fittest place to land in for the reasons lastlie expressed." 2
This being definitely settled, it was now moved by some
of the councillors that they should pass a resolution for the
manner and order of landing the troops, and for such actions
on shore, or at sea, as occasion might lead them into. Lord
Cromwell was very anxious this point should be settled
before the council broke up, but, much time having been
already spent in the former debate, Sir Edward Cecil said
he intended to take St. Mary Port chiefly to relieve the
fleet with fresh water, and, that when the fleet had come to
an anchor off there he would then advise what was best to
be done.3 This procrastination was the cause of dire and
unlocked for results, and Cecil cannot be exonerated from
blame in so important a matter.
The whole fleet now bore away for the Bay of Cadiz.
On October 21, three ships were descried and chased.
Finding they could not get away, these three ships struck
sail and surrendered. They proved to be a Dane, a Flem-
ing, and a Hamburger laden with cochineal, wine, figs,
raisins, oranges, lemons, &c., and were bound for Calais.
1 Lord Wimbledoris Answer to the Earl of Essex ; and Glanville, pp. 35-6.
2 Glanville, p. 39. 3 Ibid.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 163
Suspecting the goods to be intended for Dunkirk, all three
ships were detained as prizes, and had English crews sent
on board them.1
On October 22, shortly before entering the Bay of Cadiz,
Cecil wrote to Lord Essex desiring him to crowd on all sail
and make for St. Mary Port, according to the resolution
passed at the late council.
" Your Lordship by these present is to make hast in," wrote Cecil
to Essex, " leaving berth between mee, the Admiral, the Admiral
of Holland, and Rear-Admiral, that wee may lye conveniently for
landing of soldiers. . . . ships containing soldiers to lye as nigh
St. Mary Port as may be." a
According to these instructions the Vice-Admiral, in the
Swiftsure, led the way into the Bay of Cadiz, his squadron
following him in good order but too much astern.3 On
entering the bay, Essex perceived above a dozen large
Spanish ships and many small ones on the opposite side of
the bay, anchored off the town of Cadiz.4 His orders were
to anchor off St. Mary Port at the entrance to the bay, but
the remembrance of his father's glorious deeds in this very
bay in 1 596, when the Spanish treasure-ships, known as the
twelve apostles, were captured, prompted Essex to dash at
once upon the prey, leaving his squadron to follow him as
best they could.5
Lord Essex cannot be said to have transgressed his
orders on this occasion, for, though told to anchor off St.
Mary Port, he had received, as far back as October 1 1, the
Admiral's instructions for engaging any of the enemy's ships
1 Glanville, p. 38. * Journal of the Swiftsurc.
3 Glanville, p. 38.
4 Glanville says there were fifteen or sixteen good ships of the enemy riding
at anchor before the town of Cadiz, whereof the Admiral of Naples, said to be
1,200 tons and carrying 60 guns, was the chief. — p. 38.
5 Dr. Gardiner's Hist, of England, vi. p. 1 5.
M 2
164 LIFE AND TIMES OF
he fell in with. It is only just to Cecil's memory to state
this fact, as Essex afterwards said he had received no
orders to chase and capture any of the Spanish ships.1 By
this assertion Essex lays himself open to the grave charge
of disobedience, as he undoubtedly was told to anchor off
St. Mary Port, which he did not, but, after dispersing the
enemy's ships on the other side of the bay he quietly came
to an anchor off Cadiz.
When the Spanish ships perceived Essex's squadron
they hoisted sail, cut their cables and ran ahead of the Vice-
Admiral athwart the bay, making for the narrow channel
leading to the town of Port Royal. As the Swiftsure
sailed past the town of Cadiz, she was fired upon from the
shore, and the Spanish ships as they ran ahead let fly at
her, which fire the Swiftsure returned. All this happened
while the Vice-Admiral's ship was unsupported. Had the
enemy's ships turned upon her, it would have gone hard
with the valiant Essex. The Admiral had now entered the
bay at the head of his squadron.2 Seeing the danger his
Vice- Admiral was in, he crowded on all sail on board the
lumbering Anne Royal, and, passing through Essex's
squadron, shouted his orders right and left to crowd all
sail after the Vice- Admiral. " But he shouted now as vainly
in Cadiz Bay," says an impartial writer, in his graphic
account of this expedition, "as he shouted a few weeks
before in Plymouth Harbour. The merchant captains and
the merchant crews, pressed unwillingly into the service,
had no stomach for the fight." 3 Two of the King's ships,
1 The 7th and loth articles in Cecil's instructions for a sea-fight, delivered
in Council on October II, distinctly authorise the Vice-Admiral and Rear-
Admiral to chase, assault and capture any ships of the enemy they may fall in
with, when the Admiral is not on the spot to direct them. — Glanville, p. 18.
2 Before entering the Bay of Cadiz on Oct. 22, Cecil prepared his ships
for action. — Cecil's Journal, p. 8.
3 Dr. Gardiner, as before, vi. p. 15.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 165
the Reformation and the Rainbow, commanded by Lord
Valentia and Sir John Chudleigh, responded to the call and
hurried up to second the Swiftsure?- One of the new
comers sent a shot through the hull of one of the Spanish
ships, but, instead of continuing the chase, Lord Essex came
to an anchor off Cadiz, with his two consorts, and the
Spanish ships quietly sailed into Port Royal creek and ran
themselves ashore. " It was thought," wrote an eye-witness
of this scene, " that if Lord Essex had been more imme-
diately seconded, and had attempted it, he might have pre-
vented the enemy's ships from gaining Port Royal and
taken them in the Bay of Cadiz." 2 With all his daring,
Essex was naturally a cautious commander. " He rather
waited, than sought for opportunities of fighting," wrote
one of Lord Essex's biographers, " and knew better how to
gain than improve a victory." 3
Lord Essex having come to an anchor a little above the
town of Cadiz with his laggard squadron, the Admiral
with his squadron, and the Dutch, cast anchor before the
town, and the Rear-Admiral, with his squadron, before St.
Mary Port at the entrance of the bay.4
The fleet having now come to an anchor, Sir Edward
Cecil immediately caused the flag for summoning a council
of war to be hung out.
While the council was assembling, the master of an
English bark, Jenkinson by name, whose vessel, laden
with salt, was then in harbour, came on board the Anne
Royal. He brought intelligence that the arrival of the
English fleet was quite unexpected, and that Cadiz was ill-
garrisoned and badly prepared for an attack. This man
risked his life to bring this intelligence, as, when he was
1 Glanville, p. 39. 3 Ibid>
3 Granger's Biographical Dictionary, ii. p. 249.
4 Glanville, p. 40.
1 66 LIFE AND TIMES OF
observed from the town to take boat and row towards the
English ships, the enemy fired at him and a cannon shot
passed between his legs, tearing his breeches, but not
touching his skin, though he was slightly hurt in the face
and in one of his hands by splinters.1
The council having assembled, Cecil consulted both with
the sea and land commanders touching the enemy's ships
which had fled up Port Royal creek, and the taking of the
fort of Puntal, which guarded the entrance to the inner
harbour. The sea captains assured Cecil that if he could
gain the fort he would have the Spanish ships in a net
from which they could not escape.2 They also laid
particular stress on the fact that until Puntal3 was captured
the fleet was exposed to the fire of both the town and fort.4
As only a few ships of light burthen would be required to
attack Puntal, Sir W. St. Leger very wisely suggested that
a simultaneous attack should be made on the fort and on
the Spanish ships in Port Royal creek,6 but being a soldier
his good advice was not hearkened to by the majority of
the council, who were seamen, and flattered themselves
they knew their own business best. That they did not know
their own business is proved by the entry of the fleet into
Cadiz Bay at high water, which enabled the Spanish ships
to run into Port Royal creek — a feat they could not have
accomplished if the fleet had entered the harbour at low
water. Cecil, of course, was not expected to know this,
and, being bound down by the King's command and by
1 Glanville, p. 41.
2 Cecil's despatch to Buckingham, Nov. 8. — .$. P. Dorfi.
3 This fort was captured by Essex in the 1596 Expedition. The inner
Cadiz bay is now protected by the cross fires of the forts Matagordo and
Puntales, which are only half a mile apart.
4 Cecil's Journal, p. 9; Glanville, p. 41.
20 Oct
* St. Leger to Buckingham, g Noy'— & P>
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 167
necessity to follow the advice of his principal sea captains,
his warlike designs suffered in consequence. " Every man
that can manage a small bark," wrote old Admiral
Monson, contemptuously apostrophising the advice of the
sea captains in this ill-starred expedition, " is not capable
to direct a fleet."1 But to return to this divided council.
It was finally resolved by Cecil, with the assent of the
council,2 that the fort of Puntal should be forthwith as-
saulted by a battery to be made on it by five Dutch ships
and twenty Newcastle colliers, which drew very little water
and so were well fitted for the service. Three of the King's
ships, the Swiftsure, the Reformation and the Rainbow,
were also ordered to second the above ships in the attack
on the fort.
Sir Michael Geere and Mr. Francis Carew were sent at
once to order the Newcastle colliers to the front.3 It was
now late in the evening, and the colliers taking advantage
of the darkness remained where they were, leaving the five
Dutch ships to attack the fort by themselves, as the King's
ships were unable to second them that night by reason of
it being low water. The Dutch ships kept up a heavy fire
against Puntal for some hours, but came off worst in the
encounter, two of their ships being seriously damaged by
the enemy's fire and running aground.4 Before daybreak
on Sunday morning, October 23, the Admiral of Holland,
with some of his officers, came on board the Anne Royal
and complained to Cecil that they had been left to maintain
the fight alone. They also declared that if they had been
properly seconded Puntal would have capitulated.5 This
was grievous intelligence to the commander-in-chief, who
Churchill, iii. p. 241. 2 Glanville, p. 42.
* Ibid.
1 Churchill, iii. p. 241.
3 Glanville, p. 43 ; Cecil's Journal, p. 9.
4 Ibid.
1 68 LIFE AND TIMES OF
had expected to hear that Puntal had surrendered, when
he intended sending the colliers against the enemy's ships in
Port Royal creek.1 Cecil only waited to receive the Holy
Communion,2 with his officers, which his chaplain had
justly considered was the best way of beginning what was
expected to be a most eventful day, full of danger and
hazard, before he left his ship, with Sir Thomas Love and
the gentlemen volunteers, and proceeded in a barge to where
the colliers were safely anchored. ° I went from ship to
ship," wrote Cecil in his journal, "crying out to them to
advance to Puntal for shame, and upon pain of their
lives." 3 Being ignorant of the word " shame," the collier
crews required something of a stronger nature to stimulate
their coward blood. Cecil had to turn his bdton into a
cudgell and enforce his threats with blows.4 At last the
colliers were brought up to the scene of action, but even
then they kept well in the background, and their fire did
more damage to their own ships than to the enemy. Cecil
had now gone on board the Swiftsure, where Lord Essex
was directing the attack on Puntal, and, when one of the
colliers sent a shot right through the Swiftsure, these worse
than useless auxiliaries received orders to cease firing.6
Cecil now ordered up H.M.S. Convertive and the Great
Sapphire to second the Swiftsure, which led the attack,6
and batter the fort. In this service Captain Porter of the
Convertive particularly distinguished himself, bringing his
1 Cecil's despatch to Buckingham, Nov 8. — S. P. Dom.
* Sir W. Monson sneers at Cecil for waiting to receive the Holy Com-
munion before proceeding to action. No man ever fought worse for asking
God's blessing on his work before going into action.
3 Cecil's Journal, p. II,
4 Cecil's despatch to Buckingham, Nov. 8.
5 Ibid,
6 The master of Cecil's ship said there was not water enough to carry the
Anne Royal up to Puntal. — Cecil's Journal, p. II.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 169
ship up close to the fort and keeping up a heavy fire against it.
Captain Raymond,1 of the Great Sapphire, the master of
this ship (Sir John Bruce), and several ordinary seamen
were killed by the enemy's fire. Nearly two thousand
shot 2 had now been made against Puntal which showed no
sign of capitulating, notwithstanding that the enemy's
guns were almost silenced. About four o'clock in the
afternoon, Sir Edward Cecil gave orders for the immediate
landing of 1,000 men, who were placed under the command
of Sir John Burroughs. These troops were ordered to carry
the fort by escalade. Cecil directed Burroughs where to
land the troops, but, Burroughs thinking it feasible to take
the fort by a sudden dash, and not expecting much resistance,
inasmuch as the enemy had lately almost ceased firing,
proposed to land the troops right under the fort walls and
carry the place by escalade.3 Cecil, knowing Burroughs to
be an experienced officer, left the mode of landing to his
discretion, and gave orders that scaling ladders should be
sent on shore with the troops.*
The first boat that attempted to land troops under the
fort walls was fired into, and Captain Edward Bromigham
(Brougham ?), an officer in the duke's own regiment, and
Lieut. Proude of the same regiment, were killed.5 Several
1 Captain Raymond met his death in a singular manner. " Mr. George
Raymond, when the castle was ready to yield, embracing his master in con-
gratulation for their good day's work, a bullet, the last which the enemy shot,
came in at the forecastle, and slew both him and his master in their embrace.
— Court and Times, i. p. 67.
2 Sir Michael Geere to W. Geere, Dec 6. — S. P. Dom.
3 Lord Wimbledon 's A nswer to the Charge of Lord Essex, &>c. at the Council-
table. See Works in Verse and Prose, by George Lord Lansdowne, iii. pp. 225-
245. « Ibid.
* One of these poor officers had his throat cut by a Spanish soldier, who
seeing him lying on the ground wounded and unprotected, sprang over the
fort wall and butchered his helpless enemy. The Spanish chronicler who
relates this incident terms it "an heroic action worthy of record!" — See
Geronimo de la Coiicepcion's Cadiz llluslrada, chap. xiv.
I7O LIFE AND TIMES OF
soldiers and sailors were also killed by large stones being
hurled over the parapet of the fort on to their heads.
Seeing the error he had committed, Colonel Burroughs now
proceeded to land the remainder of his troops farther off the
fort.1 As soon as all the men were landed and drawn up
on the shore, the enemy hung out a flag of truce, whereupon
Sir Alexander Brett was sent . forward to parley with the
governor of the fort. The governor, Don Francisco Basta-
mente, agreed to surrender the fort on certain conditions, and,
demanding an interview with Sir John Burroughs, he came
out of the fort and treated first with Burroughs and then with
Sir W. St. Leger about the conditions for surrender. The
Spanish commander, who had conducted the defence of his
fort most valiantly, and who only surrendered when there
were none to work the guns save himself, at first demanded
preposterous conditions, but, these not being acceded to, he
finally agreed to accept Cecil's conditions, which were that
the garrison should march out with the honours of war,
carrying their swords and firearms, but leaving their
ordnance and ammunition behind.
The fort having surrendered, the garrison was found to
consist of 1 20 men, who marched out with the honours of
war, and were at once taken in boats and landed on the
other side of the bay. A garrison of 200 soldiers, under
Captains Gore and Hill, was sent into the fort to hold it.
The English found their fire had done very little damage
to the fort, which was built of a particularly hard kind of
stone, but unfinished, for though intended to hold 30 or 40
pieces of mounted ordnance, only eight were found.2 Before
leaving Puntal, the governor boasted that the fire from the
ships had done no harm, but as the bodies of several
1 Cecil says this was the place he had directed Burroughs to land at. — Cecil's
"Journal, p. 13. 2 Glanville, p. 48.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. I 71
Spanish soldiers were found buried beneath some rubbish
in the fort, this assertion received little attention. The
inner harbour being now secured for the English ships
where they could be out of shot of the town, Sir Edward
Cecil gave orders that the rest of the troops on board the
fleet should be at once landed at Puntal, with all the horses
and ordnance.
We must now return to the town of Cadiz.
Don Fernando de Giron, Governor of Cadiz, was at Mass
on the morning of Oct. 22, when news was brought him
that a large fleet was sighted, making direct for the Bay of
Cadiz. Not anticipating the arrival of a hostile fleet, the
Governor was at first inclined to believe this was the West
India fleet, which was shortly expected. When this idea
proved to be a delusion, the Governor took immediate steps
for the defence of the town. Many of the soldiers garrison-
ing Cadiz were absent with the Brazilian and Mexican
fleets, so that the town was ill-prepared to resist an attack.
Giron liberated a number of galley slaves and entrusted
them with the defence of the most important posts.1
Having done this he at once sent a dispatch to the Duke
of Medina Sidonia,2 then at St. Lucar, acquainting him
with the danger Cadiz and the vicinity were in, and urging
him to send troops at once to their assistance. Had the
English landed at once, instead of waiting a whole day to
batter down the fort of Puntal, the town of Cadiz, strongly
fortified as it was, could not have held out a couple of
hours. Several of the chief towns in the large province of
Andalusia received intelligence of the arrival of the English
a few hours after the fleet had come to an anchor in the
1 Geronimo de la Concepcion's account.
2 Son of the Duke who commanded the Spanish Armada, and a gnat
landowner in the south of Spain.
172 LIFE AND TIMES OF
bay.1 The news reached St. Lucar at five in the evening of
the memorable 22nd, and at midnight the Duke of Medina
Sidonia arrived with troops at the fortified town of Jerez,
from whence he dispatched troops to the bridge of Zuazo 2
which connects the Isle of Leon with the mainland. The
same night a thousand men, including infantry and cavalry,
with many of the townspeople of Chiclana,3 Medina Sidonia,
and Vejer, arrived at Cadiz to assist in the defence of the
town.4 They came in the galleys of the Duke of Fernan-
dina which crept along the coast under cover of the
darkness and arrived at their destination in safety. By
Sunday morning Cadiz contained a garrison of 4,000
soldiers,5 whose patriotism was animated by the noble
example of their brave old governor who, suffering at that
time from gout, caused himself to be carried about in a chair
from which he issued his orders to his valiant lieutenant,
Diego Ruiz.6 However quickly the English troops might
land now, they had not the smallest chance of taking this
strongly walled city.7 On the entry of the Duke of
Fernandina into Cadiz he found only three days' provisions
in the place,8 but that very day he procured for the town a
large supply of stores, by running five of his swift little
1 Geronimo de la Concepcion.
2 The Puente de Zuazo, so called from the Alcalde, Juan Sanchez de Zuazo,
who restored it in the I5th century. It is of Roman foundation.
3 An old town on the river of the same name which flows into the straits
separating the Isle of Leon from the mainland. The Isle of Leon was named
after the Ponce de Leon family, to whom it was granted in 1459.
4 Geronimo de la Concepcion.
* Ibid.
6 Eugenic Caxes' famous picture, now in the Madrid picture gallery, re-
presenting the " Repulse of the English, under Wimbledon, at Cadiz, in
1625," depicts the governor sitting in his chair, issuing orders to his officers.
7 After the partial destruction of Cadiz by the English in 1596 the town
was surrounded by walls of great height and thickness, flanked by towers and
bastions.
8 Geronimo de la Concepciou.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 173
galleys to St. Mary Port, on the other side of the bay, and
bringing back provisions and ammunition. In this service
the Spanish boats ran great risk, as they were both chased
and fired at by some of the Earl of Denbigh's squadron,
but they ran the blockade with impunity, and brought back
a precious freight to Cadiz.1 The war cry had now been
raised far and wide, and in a few days troops were on the
march from Seville, Malaga, Gibraltar, Lisbon, and many
other important places.2 Tangiers and Ceuta sent their
quota, and it is even said that Philip IV., when he heard
the news, was anxious to leave his palace at Madrid and
march at the head of his troops to relieve Cadiz, but was
persuaded by his minister Olivares to await further intelli-
gence before leaving his capital.3
The English were occupied all Sunday night, the 23rd,
in landing the troops at Puntal, and, such diligence was
used that, by Monday morning, all the soldiers were landed,
excepting six or eight hundred men on board the Rear-
Admiral's squadron, which, being at the mouth of the bay,
was far removed from Puntal. Most of the troops being
now landed, Sir Edward Cecil took boat and rowed to the
Rear- Admiral's ship, the St. Andrew, on the other side of
the bay, and after a short conference with Lord Denbigh,
they both returned to Puntal together.
As soon as Cecil set foot on land he summoned all the
colonels to a council in the fort. Before any proposition
could be made to them, Sir Michael Geere, captain of the
St. George, entered the fort and told the council that some
troops of the enemy had been seen marching towards
Cadiz from the bridge of Zuazo.4 This intelligence made
1 Glanville, p. 45.
2 Geronimo de la Conception.
3 Larrey's Histoire de la Grande Bretagne, iv. p. 15.
4 Cecil's Journal, p. 15.
174 LIFE AND TIMES OF
the Lord Marshal determine to waste no time in consul-
tation, but to march at once to the bridge. He immediately
gave orders for the troops to fall in and march against the
enemy. Having done this, Cecil appointed the Earl of
Denbigh to act as admiral of the fleet during the absence
of himself and Lord Essex, who was colonel-general of the
land forces, and he forthwith ordered Denbigh to go on
board the Swiftsure and summon a council to provide for
three most important things. These were, to make provision
for victualling the land forces whilst they were on shore ; to
look after the safety of the English ships ; to consider and
resolve how the enemy's ships fled tip Port Royal Creek might
be attacked)- Having given these directions to Lord
Denbigh, Cecil washed his hands for the present of his sea
command and turned his attention to his command of Lord
Marshal of the army.
The island of Leon may be compared in shape to a pear
lying on its side, with a long stalk attached to it, and at the
end of the stalk an excrescence. The pear is the body of
the island, the long stalk is the narrow stretch of Ian d 2
joining Cadiz to the body of the island, and the excrescence
at the end of the stalk is the elevated promontory on which
Cadiz is built. The island is about fifteen miles long, but,
excepting Cadiz and the town of San Fernando, a mile or
two from the Zuazo bridge, is but little built over, being
flat and marshy and yielding nothing but salt, of which
there is an abundant crop at all seasons. So abundant is
the salt on this otherwise barren island that as you journey
from San Fernando to Cadiz, by road, you see innumerable
large conical-shaped pillars of white salt gleaming in the
sun, which have been built up from the salt collected from
1 Glanville, p. 50.
* This isthmus, which separates the Atlantic from the inner Bay of Cadiz, is
in some parts barely 200 yards wide.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 175
the watery swamps that cover a large portion of the surface
of the island.1 It was across this thirsty ground that Cecil
intended to march with his troops to the bridge of Zuazo
where he expected to encounter the enemy.
The Lord Marshal, with about 8,000 men, marched to a
place called Hercules's Pillars, a few miles from Puntal,
where they halted and awaited the coming of the enemy,
who must pass that way on their march to Cadiz, as this
position commanded the entrance to the narrow stretch of
land already spoken of. While the troops were waiting for
the enemy, Secretary Glanville, mounted on a sorry steed
which had been left at Puntal, came into the camp with a
message from Lord Denbigh to the Marshal. Lord Den-
bigh sent Cecil word that he had called a council to advise
as to the best course for victualling the army then ashore,
for securing the safety of the English fleet, and for speedily
attacking the Spanish ships in Port Royal Creek. When
Cecil had been informed of the steps taken by Denbigh
and the council of war to carry out the orders he had left
with the rear-admiral, he expressed his approval of the
resolutions arrived at, and sent word to Denbigh to put
these resolutions into execution as soon as possible.2 Cecil
also sent the rear-admiral an order to select and arm a
hundred sailors to serve on shore as a foot company, over
whom Captain Osborne3 was to be commander, and he
gave special directions to Secretary Glanville to inform the
rear-admiral, that for want of boats at Puntal messages
could not be readily conveyed between the army and the
1 At the time of which we write, viz., in 1625, the island of Leon seems to
have been more thickly populated than now, and to have contained trees and
villas, which are now conspicuous by their absence, and which since that time
have given place to salt lakes and pillars of salt.
2 Glanville, p. 57.
8 Captain of the Assurance, a ship of 373 tons, belonging to the admiral's
squadron.
176 LIFE AND TIMES OF
ships, nor the victuals of the soldiers brought from Puntal
to Hercules's Pillars and such places further up in the island
of Leon as might be hereafter necessary.1
While Glanville on his sorry steed pursued his way back
to Puntal, Cecil put himself at the head of his troops and
led them towards the bridge of Zuazo, expecting shortly to
meet the enemy.
It would seem that whilst halting at Hercules's Pillars, Sir
John Burroughs came and informed the Lord Marshal that
none of his regiment had any provisions with them, nor had
tasted any food since landing.2 For this reason, and to
guard against a sudden sally from Cadiz, which would have
placed the English between two fires, Cecil now ordered
Colonel Burroughs and Colonel Bruce's regiments to march
back to Cadiz, and keep the road from Puntal open and
free from ambuscades.3 No enemy being in sight, Cecil
called the colonels to a council, but, before anything was
proposed to them, Lord Valentia brought intelligence that
the enemy had been seen marching that way.4 Without
waiting to see if this was another false alarm, or not, the
Marshal gave immediate orders for the troops to advance,
being unaware, as he assures us, that many of the troops
had no victuals in their knapsacks. " If I had heard that
those troops which were to march wanted any," wrote Cecil
afterwards, in defence of his conduct in continuing to march
towards the bridge, " I should never have marched forwards
without calling a council." 6
The troops marched a league further towards the bridge,
when, no enemy being in sight, and it being now late, Cecil
1 Glanville, p. 57.
8 Cecil's Journal, p. 15.
3 Glanville, p. 59.
4 Wimbledon's Answer to the Colonels'1 Charge, iii. p. 236.
5 Ibid.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 177
gave orders for a halt for the night. The place chosen for
halting was on a rising ground, where were two or three
deserted houses, from which their owners had fled, carrying
all their valuables with them, but leaving behind in the
cellars a store of new wine, in iron-bound casks, destined
for the West Indies.
Hardly had the troops halted, before a general complaint
was made to the Marshal that the soldiers had no provisions
in their knapsacks, and were faint and weary with their
march under a hot Spanish sun. At the same time he was
informed of the large store of wine discovered in the cellars
of one of the empty houses. Remembering the parting in-
junctions he had given to Lord Denbigh, the message he
had received from his rear-admiral, and the reminder he
had sent back to Denbigh by Glanville concerning the
landing and forwarding of victuals to the army, Cecil
naturally expected that provisions were now on their way
to Hercules's Pillars, and would soon be within easy reach.
Out of humanity Cecil ordered a butt of wine to be served
out to each regiment.1 The result was lamentable, but not
surprising. The half-famished soldiers demanded more
wine, and, throwing off all discipline and restraint broke
into the cellars and broached the casks.2 In a few minutes
the whole army, excepting the officers, was reduced to a
state of drunken madness, many of the men shooting at
each other and threatening their, officers.3 Remonstrances
and blows were quite ineffectual, and the commanding
officers were in danger of having their throats cut. What
a contrast were these useless drunkards to the splendid
1 Glanville says, "a competent proportion of a butt of wine for every
regiment," p. 59.
8 Ibid., p. 60.
3 See Cecil's and St. Leger's letters to Buckingham from the Bay of Cadiz,
and the anonymous Journal as before ; also Glanville, p. 60.
VOL. II. N
178 LIFE AND TIMES OF
fellows who had volunteered to serve under Horace Vere
in the Palatinate, and to whom death was preferable to the
bad opinion of their commanders.1 Cecil was in as much
danger as his officers from the drunken fury of the soldiers,
and when he ordered the casks to be all staved, as quickly
as possible, the soldiers attempted to break into the house
where Cecil was quartered, and he was obliged to order his
guards to fire on the unruly company.2 " I did never think
myself to be in so much danger," wrote one of the chief
commanders, " for certainly the enemy with 300 men might
have routed us and cut our throats."3 And so that
miserable and long night was passed by the English officers
in guarding themselves from the attacks of their own
men.
Cecil has been much blamed for taking his troops inland
without an adequate supply of provisions.4 He certainly
made many mistakes in this unfortunate expedition, but
the necessity of food for the troops did not escape his
memory. The boats which were occupied all Sunday
night and Monday morning in landing troops, could not
also bring provisions to Puntal. The troops were hardly all
landed before the sudden rumour of an approaching enemy
necessitated an immediate advance. Not only did Cecil,
1 It is on record that a sergeant of Vere's regiment was so mortified at being
found fault with by his captain (the Earl of Oxford) that he attempted to
commit suicide. Carleton to Chamberlain, Aug. 8, 1620. — S. P, Holland.
* See an anonymous Journal of the Expedition to Cadiz in S. P. Dom.
Chas. I., x. 67. This Journal has been attributed to Sir E. Conway, colonel
of one of the regiments, but I believe it to have been written by Sir W. St.
Leger, as the writer says in reference to the landing of troops to attack
Puntal : — " Sir John Burgh and I were the only colonels that were landed that
night," and from Glanville's Journal (p. 46) we gather that St. Leger and
Burroughs treated with the governor of the fort about terms of surrender.
3 Ibid.
4 See The Charge against Lord Wimbledon, printed in George Lord Lans-
downe's Works, iii. pp. 201-223.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 179
before leaving Puntal, give his deputy in the command of
the fleet instructions for sending provisions for the troops
on shore, but, he gave verbal orders for the immediate
bringing of some provisions to Puntal for the soldiers.1
He also sent a reminder to Lord Denbigh, about sending
provisions after the army, a few hours after leaving Puntal.
Before Denbigh had issued warrants for the delivery of
certain stores, provisions, and casks of beer to the com-
mander of the fort of Puntal, or notified that officer to
receive the same, and how to dispose of them, boat loads
of provisions had left the ships and carried their freight to
Puntal, where the commander of the fort refused to receive
the provisions, alleging he had received no instructions to
that effect.2 Thus was much valuable time lost. As all
the soldiers had their knapsacks on leaving Puntal, Cecil
doubtless supposed they had food in them, as he says he
had given a general order to the sergeant-major-general (St.
Leger) that when soldiers landed they should carry victuals
with them,3 their knapsacks being only intended for food.4
Cecil also assures us that all the gentlemen volunteers, his
servants, and even his chaplain, carried knapsacks, or, as he
literally describes them, " snapsacks." 5 An army containing
nine colonels, a colonel-general, a sergeant-major-general,
a commissary-general (Captain Mason), and endless captains
and subalterns, ought not to have had to depend on the
commander-in-chief for filling their knapsacks with food.
Cecil has also been held accountable for his troops all
getting drunk. This accusation is best answered in his
own words.6
1 Glanville, p. 58. 2 Ibid.
3 Cecil's Journal, p. 15.
4 Wimbledon's Answer to the Charge, etc. Lord Lansdowne's Works, iii.
p. 232.
s Cecil's Journal, p. 15.
6 Wimbledon's Annver to the Charge, iii. p. 238.
N 2
l8o LIFE AND TIMES OF
" I will undertake, that if there should be an enemy's army
standing nigh wine, they would run into all danger to satisfy them-
selves of that delight ; for whereas we set guards upon all things
that should be preserved, yet set a guard upon wine, of common
soldiers, and the guard will be first drunk, as they were in this
house1 ; for whereas they broke in at four places where I set
guards, when I went to visit one guard the other would be drunk
before I came back again ; yea, let themselves see, if any man can
tell me where an army hath been kept in any order where wine
was, I will confess my ignorance. And to prove my argument,
Sir John Norris could not do it at [in] Portugal ; my Lord of
Cumberland could not do it when he was in the Summer Islands,
for most of his officers as well as soldiers were drunk. . . . And
my Lord Vere, in the Palatinate, found some disorders though he
had but 2,000, and it was but Rhenish wine, yet for the remem-
brance of it, it was called the Drunken Quarter, as this hath
been."
The morning after the mutiny and carousal of the English
soldiers, no enemy having fortunately appeared and the
troops being thoroughly disorganised, demoralised, and unfit
to cope with any body of Spaniards, however small, Cecil
called the colonels round him and held a council of
war. Taking into consideration the unserviceableness of
the troops, their lack of provisions and the unlikelihood
of the enemy offering them battle, it was unanimously
agreed that it was best to discontinue marching towards
the bridge and return to Puntal. However wise and
necessary this decision was, it must have been a bitter
thing for Cecil to return without having done anything.
All Monday he had indulged the hope of having an
encounter with the Spaniards. Even when the alarms of
1 We gather from The Charge against Lord Wimbledon (p. 212) that this
house in which Cecil quartered belonged to Don Louis de Soto, doubtless a
wealthy wine merchant. A family of this historic name is still to be found at
Cadiz.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. l8l
an approaching foe proved to be false, Cecil still clung
to the plan of marching to the bridge in hopes of lighting
on an enemy.1 Had they got there, there might have
been an encounter, as the Duke of Medina Sidonia was
guarding the bridge with a small force of cavalry and
infantry.2 But nothing was to be effected with troops
whose hearts were in their boots, and their stomachs
empty. Therefore Cecil marched back to Cadiz — to join
with the other two regiments already sent there. Many of
the soldiers, in consequence of their debauch and faintness,
were unable to carry their arms, and many of those who
could carry them left them behind.3 A few men who were
dead drunk in ditches, close by, were forgotten in the
general retreat, and fell an easy prey to the enemy, who
preferred facing a few helpless drunkards to encountering
an undisciplined host.4
Whilst these events were taking place on land, Lord
Denbigh, on October 24, played the part of Admiral of
the fleet. Assisted by a council of war, composed of sea
commanders, he settled, but too late, the important ques-
tion as to how the troops on shore were to be provisioned
for the next seven days.6 It was further agreed upon at
this council that Sir Samuel Argall, now acting as Vice-
1 The bridge ought to have been occupied by the English before the enemy
had time to send succour across it to Cadiz. In the 1596 Expedition, three
English regiments were sent to the bridge on the arrival of the fleet, and the
remaining troops were led against Cadiz. Whatever Cecil's reasons were for
going to the bridge, it certainly was a position he ought to have had in his
own hands from the very first. — See Churchill, iii. p. 234.
2 Geronimo de la Concepcion.
3 Glanville, p. 6 1.
4 The English stragglers taken by the enemy were treated most barbarously.
Their ears and noses were cut off and their bodies otherwise mutilated. See
Cecil's despatch of November 8 ; and Glanville, p. 70.
* The warrants to the captains of ships to send the provisions on shore were
not signed till Octpber 25. Glanville, p. 62.
l82 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Admiral of the fleet, with his squadron and the Dutch
ships, should forthwith prepare for an attack on the
Spanish ships in Port Royal creek, which, as was very
truly observed at this council, had been too long neglected.
Although this resolution regarding the enemy's ships was
arrived at about noon on Monday, it was Tuesday
morning before this resolution was put in execution, and
even then there was much delay, as many of the sailors
had gone on shore. A warrant had to be sent to the
commander of the fort at Puntal, directing him to proclaim
by beat of drum that all seamen belonging to the Vice-
Admiral's squadron should repair on board their several
ships upon pain of death.1
As soon as the wind and tide would permit, Argall, with
his squadron and the Dutch ships, weighed anchor and set
sail for Port Royal, taking with them a Dutch boy, who
had been detained as a prisoner on one of the Spanish
ships in Port Royal creek, and who had that very morning
effected his escape by swimming to one of the English
ships in the bay. A small vessel known as a ketch, with
the Dutch boy on board her, was sent in advance of the
English ships to sound the channel and point out the best
entrance. On coming to the creek it was found, as the
Dutch boy had told them, that the enemy had sunk four
ships at the entrance to the creek, only leaving room for
one ship at a time to enter the channel. Seeing that only
one ship could enter at a time and that it would be
exposed to the whole fire of the enemy's broadsides, as
well as from the batteries which it was shrewdly expected
had been planted by the enemy on shore, Argall was
reluctantly obliged to forego the attack, and he sent a
despatch to Lord Denbigh to that effect. If there was
1 Glanville, p. 63.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 183
anything wanting to fill Cecil's cup of mortification to the
brim, it was the intelligence that met him on his return
to Puntal with the troops, that the ships Sir Thomas Love
and other sea commanders had assured him were in a net
and could not get away,1 had to all intents and purposes
escaped.
This was not the only, though certainly the greatest,
disappointment concerning the fleet. In spite of the
blockade kept up at the mouth of the bay, several galleys
had managed to slip through and bring provisions from St.
Mary Port to Cadiz.2 An unauthorised attack had also
been made on the Fort of Santa Catalena, at the entrance of
the bay, by Captain Oxenbridge in the Dragon and another
English ship, in which attack the enemy had decidedly the
best of it.3
Having returned to Puntal, Cecil went himself to view
the outworks of Cadiz, and, finding them to be remarkably
strong and not to be taken without a long siege, for which
they were unfitted, both as regarded provisions and the
incompetency of the soldiers,4 he consulted with the
colonels as to the advisability of shipping the soldiers and
leaving Cadiz. It seems to have been unanimously agreed
by the colonels that it would be best to ship the army
immediately, and, leaving Cadiz, proceed in search of the
Plate fleet, which was the chief object of the voyage.5
-? to Mead, January 27, 1626. — Court and Times, i. p. 75.
2 Geronimo de la Concepcion.
3 Ibid., and Glanville, p. 65.
4 Sir Henry Bruce was the only commander in the Cadiz expedition who had
a good word to say for the soldiers. He said, or is said to have said, that " he
never led more willing men." See Court and Times, i. p. 75. It must he borne
in mind that Colonel Bruce's regiment was sent back to Cadiz before the army
reached the " Drunken Quarter," so they had no chance of disgracing them-
selves, neither did they have a chance of showing their valour, by an encounter
with the enemy.
s Glanville, p. 66.
184 LIFE AND TIMES OF
This decision was arrived at on Tuesday evening, October
the 2 5th ; and that night the army remained on shore, the
Lord Marshal walking the rounds twice or thrice in the
night to see all things in good order.1
The day the troops were landed at Puntal, they had
found on their inland march a store of nets and cork with
a dozen large boats for tunny fishing, supposed to be the
property of the Duke of Medina Sidonia. Cecil was sailor
enough to know that these large boats would be of great
service to them hereafter in shipping troops and stores, and
would replace those boats of their own which they had
lost in the great storm. Accordingly, on his return to
Puntal, he sent orders by Sir Thomas Love to several of the
sea commanders to send men and boats up the bay, the
following morning, to a place on the shore a little beyond
Hercules's Pillars, where the boats and nets were stored in
a warehouse. To ensure the safety of the English sailors
sent on this service, Cecil marched to Hercules's Pillars with
seven regiments, on Wednesday morning, and superintended
the removal of the boats. By his orders all the store of
nets and cork were burnt.3 Having performed this service,
the marshal placed an ambush of 300 musquetiers in some
empty buildings there, with directions not to fire on any
enemy till within close range. The troops then proceeded
to march back towards Cadiz. Soon after this some
cavalry of the enemy appeared on the scene, and, sending
out some scouts to reconnoitre, the English soldiers in
ambush, unmindful of the marshal's orders, fired upon them
before they were well within range, whereby they did them
no harm, but greatly frightened some of the English troops
in the distance who were having their dinner, and who
1 Glanville, p. 67.
2 Close by the place where the boats were stored was found the body of an
English soldier with his ears and nose cut off. — Glanville, p. 70.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 185
thought the enemy was coming down upon them.1 It was
late in the evening when the troops reached Puntal, and
this night they again quartered on land, between the fort
and Cadiz, the marshal going the rounds during the night
as before.3
When Sir Samuel Argall found it impracticable to take
his squadron into Port Royal creek, in consequence of the
enemy having sunk some ships at the entrance of the
channel, he sent word to Lord Denbigh that, for his
honour's sake, he would not desist from the enterprise until
some experienced sea captains of another squadron had
been sent to view the place and certify that in their opinion
the undertaking was impossible. Lord Denbigh received
this application on Wednesday morning, and immediately
issued a warrant directing Sir Thomas Love and Sir
Michael Geere to view the channel at Port Royal the next
morning, and give their opinion as to the practicability of
burning, taking, or sinking the enemy's ships in that creek.3
Lord Denbigh also issued another warrant, in accordance
with instructions he received from Sir Edward Cecil, which
was that all captains and pursers of ships in the fleet should
attend this day at Puntal to inform the commander-in-chief
concerning the state and amount of provisions in eveiy
ship, thereby the better to ground a consultation for the
further proceeding of the fleet and army.4
On Thursday, October 26, preparations were made for
evacuating Puntal and re-shipping the whole army. It was
Cecil's wish to hold Puntal for a short time, leaving a
garrison to hold the fort and part of the fleet in the bay to
protect it, while the rest of the fleet went in search of the
Plate fleet. But the majority of the council of war, by
1 Glanville, p. 70. 2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., p. 69. « Ibid., p. 68.
1 86
LIFE AND TIMES OF
whose advice Cecil was bound to abide, were against this
plan, which was deemed both dangerous and useless. It
was therefore settled to remove the ordnance in the fort and
carry it on board the fleet, destroying the fort as far as was
possible. Cecil sent warrants to the captains of the Anne
Royal, the St. George &&& the Convertive, commanding them
to send forty men each to Puntal to remove the eight guns,
and carry them on board the fleet. This was done, and six
guns were taken on board the English ships, and two on
board the Dutch ships, to which squadron they were adjudged
as spoil. Sir Samuel Argall being still absent with his
squadron off Port Royal, and Sir Thomas Love and Sir
Michael Geere having taken no view of the channel there,
as Lord Denbigh had directed them to do,1 Cecil was
obliged to send a warrant, under his own hand, to Argall,
directing him to return to Puntal at once with his squadron
if he (Argall) was convinced in his own judgment, in which
Cecil placed every confidence, that it was impossible to
follow and attack the Spanish ships. Argall, accordingly,
returned to Puntal with his ships, and the task of shipping
the troops commenced.
When the garrison of Cadiz perceived that the English
troops were being re-embarked, a body of infantry soldiers,
i, 600 strong, sallied out of the town and fell upon the rear
of the English. The retreat was covered by Sir Edward
Harwood's regiment ; and by the exertions and gallantry of
their colonel, the enemy was kept back for some time.2
The Spaniards pressing on in great numbers and firing on
1 Glanville, p. 72. Sir Michael Geere deeply offended Cecil by his dis-
obedience and negligence of the orders sent him. "I cannot forbeare to let
you knowe," wrote Cecil to Coke on February 27, " that of all the king's
captains Sir Michael Geere hath carried himself worst in his Ma'ie" service
and hath much deceaved my expectation. " Melbourne MSS.
2 Memoir of Sir Edward Hanvood, Colonel, by Hugh Peters. 1642, 4°.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 187
the English, Harwood was sore pressed and driven back
under the walls of Puntal. So close had the enemy come to
the fort that an English soldier in the fort was killed by
the enemy's fire.1 At this crisis the Lord Marshal sent two of
those useful pieces of ordnance called "drakes " to Harwood's
assistance, which, being placed in an old house near the fort,
played on the enemy.2 At the same time the ships nearest
the fort opened fire on the Spaniards, who speedily retreated,
and the troops were re-embarked without any further moles-
tation. No one had worked harder to get the troops on
board than Cecil himself, though noone got less credit for
his exertions and pains than he did.3 We have it on the
good authority of Secretary Glanville, that when the troops
were being re-embarked, Cecil rowed from ship to ship giving
further orders about the speedy re-embarking of his men,
and, more especially, taking care for the shipment of the
• ' The Spaniards, who had signalised themselves by no dashing sorties or
heroic exploits while their enemy perambulated the island of Leon, now
performed, according to their historian, prodigies of valour. The following is
the Spanish version of the retreat of the English : —
" Thursday the 5th of November [new style] the enemy, perceiving the
unsuccessfulness of their enterprise, and aware that the town contained plenty
of provisions and ammunition, in all haste commenced to re-embark their
troops, which becoming known to ours, Don Fernando de Giron and Don
Diego Ruiz, with 1,600 infantry, sallying forth from the town, attacked them in
the rear, killing many of them, made them abandon no small quantity of
ammunition, and caused them to embark more hastily than they desired. In
like manner the Duke of Medina attacked those who re-embarked at the
Isla (?) killing great numbers of them. The only loss we sustained being Don
Gonzalo de Inestal, who perished in an ambuscade. The enemy took their
dead, and placing the corpses in a galeon, set fire to it, Saturday the 7th, and
sailed the same day from the harbour without any further victory than has been
mentioned." — Geronimo de la Concepcion.
The last ridiculous assertion that the English put all their dead into one ship
and cremated them, arose from the fact of one of the Dutch ships being burnt
because she was unserviceable, and the Admiral not wishing she should fall into
the enemy's hands. See Glanville, p. 76.
2 Anonymous Journal, vol. xi. 66. — S. F Dont.
3 See the Charge of the Colonels against Lord Wimbledon, as before.
l88 LIFE AND TIMES OF
horses, considering it would be a great dishonour to leave
any of them behind.1
" This charge," says Glanville, " belonged properly to the charge
of the Master of the Ordnance [Lord Valentia], but it seemed not
to be by him set forward with such diligence as our present
condition did require, which caused my Lord [Marshal] himself
thus extraordinarily to intend [superintend] it." 2
It would be interesting to know what Lord Valentia did
do in this expedition, beyond giving a false alarm on the
day the troops marched to the bridge, and quarrelling with
Lord Delawarr about precedence,3 On the return of the
fleet to England, Lord Valentia was one of the foremost
colonels to accuse Cecil of neglect of duty, but he said not
a word about his own doings, or rather misdoings.
The fort of Puntal was held till Friday morning, the 28th,
when it was evacuated, Sir John Burroughs being the last
man to leave it. The departure of the troops was celebrated
in Cadiz by a. feu dejoie, which was followed by some long
shots at the English and Dutch ships as they passed the
town on their way to the entrance of the bay, where the
fleet came to an anchor.
The curtain had dropped on the last scene of the first act
of the Cadiz expedition. The second and last act was now
to begin, and it was to be played out on the open sea.
On October the 29th, the wind being fair to carry the
fleet to sea, Cecil, who had now resumed the supreme
command, after taking the advice of certain sea captains
and masters, issued an order " that the whole fleet should
forthwith set sail and ply from the Bay of Cadiz to the
southern cape, standing off to the westward 60 leagues from
the land ; where he purposed to spend as much time as
Glanville, p. 74. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid., pp. 83-8.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 189
might be to look for the Plate fleet,1 and to keep them-
selves as near as they could in the latitude of 374- and
36^- degrees." 2 Soon after the issuing of this order the
whole fleet set sail for Cape St. Vincent, and arrived at its
appointed station on November the 4th.
" Though no man on board knew it," says a writer of our day,
" the quest was hopeless from the beginning. The Spanish
treasure ships, alarmed by the rumours of war which had been
wafted across the Atlantic, had this year taken a long sweep to the
south. Creeping up the coast of Africa, they had sailed into
Cadiz Bay two days after Cecil's departure." 3
Cecil was of course ignorant of this, and he made all the
preparations that were in his power for staying as long as
possible off Cape St. Vincent. Before leaving Puntal he
had ascertained from the captains and pursers of all the
ships in the fleet the state and quantity of the provisions in
each ship. From the returns given by the pursers it would
seem that there were ample provisions for some weeks
longer ; but there was a want of fresh water and beer in
many of the ships. The provisions, however, were un-
deniably bad, and, soon after leaving Cadiz, a pestilence
broke out among both sailors and soldiers.4 In consequence
1 Sir Michael Geere would have us believe that Cecil only wished to spend
time doing nothing. The story of Cecil's whole life gives a deliberate contra-
diction to this lie. Geere, a man of no note whatever, had deeply offended Cecil
by the carefulness he showed in disobeying the Admiral's commands, hence
his anxiety to throw discredit on Cecil's conduct in this voyage. See letter
from Geere to his son, given in next chapter.
2 Glanville, p. 78.
3 Dr. Gardiner's History of England, vi. p. 20. There is a great discrepancy
in the dates given by various writers as to when the Plate fleet arrived at
Cadiz. Geronimo de la Concepcion says humty days after the English had
weighed anchor ; and Cecil himself heard that it was five days after they had
left Cadiz Bay. See Cecil to Coke, February 27, 1625-6. — S. P. Dom.
4 Glanville, p. 94. See also letters from various of the commanders, given
in next chapter.
On the return of the fleet to England some of the provisions on board the
LIFE AND TIMES OF
of this, and because some of the ships proved very leaky
and unserviceable, Cecil sent twelve of them home, including
the horse boats and the prizes taken on October 2ist. It
was intended to send the sick and wounded men home in
these ships, but owing to stormy weather, and the difficulty
of removing sick men from one ship to another with a high
sea running, many that ought to have been sent home were
left behind. Taking advantage of the departure of these
ships, Cecil sent a long despatch to Buckingham giving a
true account of all that had passed. It is apparent from
this despatch that Cecil expected another fleet would be sent
out to relieve him and continue the blockade of the Spanish
ports.1 After telling Buckingham what a bad state the
fleet was in, he goes on manfully to say, " but I am resolved
to beate it out at sea in the continuance of this service." 2
And nobly did Cecil keep his word. In spite of adverse
counsels, increasing mortality on board the fleet, which
made some of the ships be so short handed that there were
scarce men enough to work them, short allowance of food
which stunk " so as no dog in Paris Garden3 would eat it,"4
a general want of fresh water and candles, and the en-
countering heavy gales which scattered the fleet in all
directions, the soldier-admiral still stuck to his post, watch-
ing for the enemy who never came. From the very first
ships were delivered to Captain Pennington for his ships ; and in a letter from
him to Buckingham, he says, "The remains of the victuals cause both our
men and the French to fall sick daily." February 27, 1626. — S. P. Dom.
1 See Cecil's despatch of November 8 in next chapter. If all had gone
well at Cadiz, Buckingham fully intended sending a new fleet to relieve Cecil's
force. See Dr. Gardiner's History, vi. p. 37.
2 Cecil's despatch as before.
3 This was the " Bear Garden " of old London, in the parish of St.
Saviour's, Southwark. James I. licensed Philip Henslowe and Edward
Alleyn to the office of " chief master, overseer and ruler of our bears, bulls and
mastiff dogs" in 1604.
4 Sir M. Geere to his son W. Geere.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. IQI
his had been a most unenviable command. The sailors
were vexed because Sir Robert Mansell, the Vice-Admiral
of England, had not been appointed to the command, and
took advantage of Cecil's ignorance of seamanship to
thwart his plans and transgress his orders. Joint sea and
land enterprises are the bane of one another. Witness the
Isle of Rhe expedition in 1627. Witness the expedition
against St. Malo in 1758, when General Bligh, acting with-
out the advice of his colleague, Admiral Howe, disembarked
the army on an unfavourable point of the coast, where
they were set upon by the enemy in great force and com-
pelled to retreat to the ships with great loss.1 Witness the
Walcheren expedition of 1809, where
" The Earl of Chatham with his sword drawn,
Was waiting for Sir Richard Strachan.
Sir Richard longing to be at 'em,
Was waiting for the Earl of Chatham."
Cecil had to command a great naval and military expe-
dition without any naval colleague to assist him and share
the responsibility. He had a council of war to assist him,
and his orders were to abide by their advice.2 One well
competent to judge, in giving an account of this expedition
to Cadiz, says : —
" All was left to the direction of men who in reality were no fit
judges of such matters, and besides were very soon in point of
opinion divided among themselves. . . . want of experience and
want of unanimity proved the ruin of the expedition." 3
1 The English had six hundred killed and four hundred taken prisoners on
this melancholy occasion.
2 The King's Instructions for Sir Edward Cecil, see Appendix. Cecil says
in a letter to Buckingham dated February 27, 1626, " I never swerved from
the advice of the Council of War."— S. P. Dom.
3 Dr. Campbell's Lives of the Adimrals, i. pp. 533-4.
1 92 LIFE AND TIMES OF
This same able writer, in referring to the charges brought
against Cecil by Lord Essex and other commanders in the
Cadiz expedition, says : —
" The reader, who shall compare these charges with Sir Wm
Monson's reflections1 on this lord's conduct, will discern that he is
hardly and unjustly treated. Sir William arraigns him for calling
councils when he should have been acting ; the officers accuse
him for not calling councils but acting of his own head. The
truth seems to be he had no notion of a sea command and his
officers no inclination to obey him." *
On November the i/th, the fleet was still off Cape St.
Vincent, beating it out at sea. The complaints of sickness
in the fleet poured in now so thick and fast, that it seemed
probable there would not be sufficient able-bodied men to
work the ships if they did not return at once to England, or
put into some port for water and fresh provisions.3 The
fleet being now reunited (excepting the Dutch squadron)4
and the weather calm, Cecil called a council to deliberate
on such a weighty business, which concerned the King's
honour and the safety of the whole fleet and army.5 The
matter proposed to the council by the Admiral was, whether
the fleet should return to England after the 2oth of No-
vember, or else make for Bayon,6 there to water. A long
debate ensued as to which course would be best, and the
1 These reflections are given in Churchill's Naval Tracts, iii. pp. 234-244.
2 Campbell's Admirals, as before, i. p. 534.
J Glanville, p. 109.
4 The vicissitudes of the Dutch squadron are related in a letter from Mead
to Stuteville as follows: — "Of the Hollanders who went with ours, in
number twenty, three are driven away in the tempest, uncertain whither, no
news being yet received of them ; seventeen into Barbary, whereof three
leaking irrevocably were unladen and fired ; the residue, thirteen, are come to
Plymouth to receive his Majesty's commands for further service." — Court and
Times, i. p. 71.
* Glanville, p. 109.
* The isles of Bayon off Galicia.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 193
council, taking into consideration that the safety of the
King's ships and the rest of the fleet, which had been
specially commended to the care of Sir Edward Cecil,
depended on a speedy return to England, felt compelled to
advise this course.
" The debate being ended," wrote Secretary Glanville, " the
particular votes of the council of war were solemnly taken, and by
the clear opinion of them all, but one,1 it was resolved and
ordered that the whole fleet should stand directly for England,
immediately after the expiration of the time formerly set for our
keeping the sea to expect the Plate fleet." 2
Contrary winds again dispersed the fleet, and, on Novem-
ber 22, only twenty or thirty sail were in view of the
admiral. The supply of beer was now running short on
board the Anne Royal, and Cecil was obliged to reduce
the allowance of drink to each mess, as there was every
prospect of continued gales and head winds. From
November 23 to December 8 there was a succession
of gales and bad weather, in which the Anne Royal
suffered much damage, and was left behind by nearly all
the rest of the fleet. Not being able to gain an English
port in her disabled state, the wind being contrary, the
Anne Royal had to run for Kinsale harbour, where she
arrived on December u, with 160 sick men on board
her, and having lost by death 130, who had been cast
overboard.3 Secretary Glanville4 thus chronicles the arrival
of the A nne Royal off Kinsale : —
1 Who this councillor was does not appear. Sir W. St. Leger, who was
prevented by illness from attending, afterwards sent his written protest
against the decision to return to England. St. Leger to Buckingham,
December 18.— S. P. Dom.
2 Glanville, p. 1 13. 3 Cecil's Journal, p. 29.
4 Glanville obtained leave from Cecil to go to the Earl of Cork at Lismore
Castle. On arriving there he was seized with a long and dangerous illness,
which prevented his return to his ship. Glanville, p. 122.
VOL. IL O
194 LIFE AND TIMES OF
"Sunday, the nth of December, about noon, we came into the
harbour of Kinsale, not having seamen enough for the fitting of
our ship to come to an anchor without assistance of the gentle-
men volunteers and their servants, who all wrought with their own
hands for the better accommodating of the business. Being come
to an anchor we searched our ship, and found her to have now
six foot water in the hold, whereby we concluded that if we
had kept the sea but a day or two longer we must needs have
perished." *
The Earl of Essex in the Swiftsure, and several ships of
his squadron, arrived at Falmouth on December 5.2 One of
his ships, the Mary Constance, foundered on the passage
home with 120 men ; but two officers, Captains Shuckburgh
and Hone, of Essex's regiment, with the ship's officers,
were saved.3 Lord Essex hurried up to Court,4 and gave
the King his account of the expedition.
" One by one, all through the winter months," says one of the
historians of this unlucky voyage, " the shattered remains of the
once powerful fleet came staggering home, to seek refuge in what-
ever port the winds and waves would allow." 5
A graphic description of the miserable state of both
sailors and soldiers on their arrival in port is given by Sir
John Eliot, the Vice-Admiral of Devon, who was an eye-
witness of what happened at Plymouth on the arrival of
some of the fleet.
" The miseries before us are great," wrote Eliot to Secretary
Conway, " and great the complaints of want and illness of the
victual. There is now to be buried one Captain Bolles,6 a lands-
1 Glanville, p. 120.
» Journal of the ' Swiftsure.'—S. P. Dom.
3 Anonymous Journal, xi. No. 66. — S. P. Dom.
4 Court and Times, i. p. 68.
5 Dr. Gardiner's History, vi. p. 21.
8 Captain Richard Bowles, of Sir W. St. Leger's regiment.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 195
man, who died since their coming in, and with much grief
expressed the occasion of his sickness to be scarcity and corrup-
tion of the provisions. The soldiers are not in better case.
They are in great numbers continually thrown overboard, and
yesterday fell down here seven in the streets. The rest are most
of them weak, and unless there be a present supply of clothes
there is little hope to recover them in the places where they are
lodged." 1
Matters were very little better at Kinsale, where Sir
Edward Cecil, the man to be most pitied in the whole ex-
peditionary force, still remained, waiting until the Anne
Royal was made ready for sea.2 Sir Thomas Love, who
had stuck to his admiral through thick and thin,3 sent
harrowing reports to Buckingham of the miserable plight
of the ships and their crews. " In this unfortunate journey,"
wrote Love to Buckingham, " God's judgments have
followed us, by sickness, mortality, and otherwise, as well to
the country people, where we have come, as to our own." *
There was no Jonah on board the fleet, but an expedition,
which was, as Sir John Eliot's biographer truly describes it,
" an attempt to fill the king's empty coffers by a piratical
foray on the wealth of Spain," 5 could not possibly carry
God's blessing with it. All who took part in it, from the
highest in command to the very lowest, suffered in some
way or other. It turned Lord Essex against the king and
court party, and made him refuse the post of Vice- Admiral
1 Eliot to Conway, December 22. See Forster's Life of Eliot, i. pp. 270-1.
2 Cecil remained on board till January 28, only spending a few days at
Christmas with Sir Edward Villiers (the Lord President of Munster) at
Youghall. Cecil's Journal, p. 29.
3 The Editor of Glanville's Journal (Dr. Grosart) is quite wrong in stating
that Sir T. Love's letters were " passionately strong against Cecil " (see preface
to Journal, p. ix.). I cannot find a single word against Cecil in any of Love's
letters.
* Love to Buckingham, February 27, 1625-6.— S. P. Dom.
* Forster's Life of Eliot, i. p. 268.
O 2
196 LIFE AND TIMES OF
which Buckingham offered him in the following year.1 Sir
W. St. Leger declared his heart was broken. Sir George
Blundell declared he would never go another sea voyage,
if it pleased God to send him safe home, as he had endured
such miseries in the Cadiz voyage.2 Sir John Burroughs
said he felt so ashamed of their ill success that he could
not look the duke in the face.3 Sir Edward Harwood was
full of grief at the pitiable state of the army.4 These were
the feelings of some of the chief commanders, and we are
told that George Monk, who served in this expedition as a
young volunteer, never could speak of it afterwards without
shame and sorrow.6 It is probable that this miserable
voyage taught Monk a lesson he never forgot, and was
productive of much good to him hereafter when he com-
manded a fleet at sea. Experience is the best schoolmaster,
and the future Duke of Albemarle learnt in the Cadiz
voyage what was best to avoid on a future occasion. The
last, but not the least, instance of the misfortunes caused
by this expedition, is shown in the case of Lieutenant John
Felton, who served in Cecil's regiment at Cadiz,6 and whose
naturally " melancholick " disposition, as Lord Clarendon
calls it, was heightened probably by the miseries he endured,
and above all by his being kept waiting many months for
the small amount of pay due for his services.7 But who
suffered more than the commander of this ill-fated expe-
dition? He had lost reputation, friends, and the laurels
that deck a conqueror's brow. And what had he gained ?
1 Court and Times y i. p. 126.
2 Blandell to Buckingham, November 3, 1625. — S. P. Dom.
3 Burroughs to Buckingham, January 8, 1625-6. — S. P. Dom.
4 Hanvood to Carleton, January 3, 1625-6. — S. P. Dom,
5 Guizot's Life of Monk (translated and edited by Hon. J. Stuart- Wortley),
P-5-
6 See list of Cecil's regiment in Appendix.
7 See a full account oi Lieut. Felton and his wrongs in the next chapter.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 1 97
Nothing but an empty title ! A viscount's coronet could
not alleviate the mental anguish he was undergoing, and
would undergo in after years, whenever he thought of the
command his great ambition had induced him to accept.
Far better for Edward Cecil if he had followed the example
of Colonel Ralph Hopton, the future Cavalier leader in the
Civil Wars, who, though expressly sent for from Mansfeld's
army to go with the fleet, and who accepted the command
offered him by his king, and came to England, yet, at the
eleventh hour, had the moral courage to resign his command
and stay at home.
" For the fleet I was willing to be excused," wrote the gallant
Hopton, whose courage no man ever doubted, to Sir D. Carleton,
" when I saw it went not on the grounds which your lordship
esteemed most necessary, when I had the honour to speak with
you ; and especially that the war is begun without any assurance
of money to support it, and, besides, I saw some cause to fear that
the fleet is none of the best victualled for a long voyage, and I
confess the miseries we suffered in the last journey (though I
could hazard myself willingly enough) makes me afraid to have
charge of men where I have any doubt of the means to support
them." l
Hopton to Sir D. Carleton (?), October 12, 1625.— S. P. Dom.
198 LIFE AND TIMES OF
CHAPTER V.
LETTERS AND DESPATCHES RELATING TO THE CADIZ
VOYAGE OF 1625.*
SIR W. ST. LEGER TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" MOST Ex21™ LORD,
" I knowe that by these your Excle shall receave a briefe of what
hath happened, sithence our departure from Plimmouth, I will
therefore onelie speake of our comminge into the baye of Gales, wch
was on Saterdaie, the 22th of Octobe1, aboute 2 in the afternoone,
where wee found in the Roade some 8 shipps. The Admirall of
Naples was one of them, that had brought Souldiers thither, and
as many Gallies ; uppon the sight of our ffleete, Cutt their Cables,
and by the helpe of their Gallies, they gained a place called Port
Reall, some 3 Miles distant from Puntall upp a narrowe cricke,
from whence wee did suppose it was not possible for them to
scape us. As soone as wee came to an Anchor, a flagg of Councell
was hunge oute, and all being mett, wee were of opinion that wee
had surprized the place, and that they did not looke for us.
Therefore wee did agree to goe upp to the ffort of Puntall, and
take that first, for the securitie of our, and then to send a Squadron
of our shipps to fight with the ffleete. For my part, my Councell was
1 These letters and despatches form a necessary sequel to the story of the
voyage to Cadiz. Their contents will show at a glance that they have been
chosen indiscriminately, and irrespective of favouritism to Sir Edward Cecil.
In justice to the memory of Sir James Bagg, the victualler of the fleet, I have
given one of his letters refuting the grievous charge of neglect brought against
him. I have also added a letter from the commissioners at Plymouth to his
Majesty's Privy Council, which corroborates the statements of Sir. W. St.
Leger, and other commanders, as to the miserable state of the troops on their
return to Plymouth.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 1 99
to have them both assaulted att one time, But it was not harkened
unto. The firste was executed, for earlye in the Morninge, the Vice
Admirall sett saile, where my Lord Marshall, my selfe, and most
of the Cheifes, did accompany my Lord of Essex, who came upp
roundlie to the Forte ; But was as ill seconded by the Newcastle
shipps, in whome there are as ill Captaines as ever were in the
world ; in wch state many of the Merchant Men are, and especiallie
such of them as were in their owne shipps ; for all of them went
under the Lee of the King's shipps, Notwithstanding they were
shewed their duties, and what they ought to have done, by Captaine
Porter, who Came so neere the Castle, that had the rest done soe
that drewe lesse waiter, they could not have looked oute of itt.
But his shipp touched a little a ground w*hin Muskett shott of the
Fort, so that he had a very hott fight for a while. I went to him
and carried him flfortie Musqueterres, that did him good service.
The shippe being a ffloate, without danger, wee resolved to land
our Armie, findinge that the ffort was not to be beaten downe, as
wee were enformed by the Dutch and English seamen. Sir John
Burgh had the honour to have the command, with my Lieu* Coe11
and your Excies Srient Maior, Sir John Gibbson and Sir Thomas
Thornix ; they attempted to land those under the ffort, from whence
they were beaten. The Captain of yor Excies Companye being killed
there, who had the leading of the first Boate ; But they retreated
not farre from itt, but putt their boates ashore on the first land
they could come att, where they mett but with little opposicon.
A bodie of 2,000 being landed, wch was long a doing for want of
Boates, Sir John Burgh summoned the ffort, and they did entertaine
a Parley. I was then a shoare, and by the Command of my Lord
Marshall made the Capitulacon, Wch was That they should goe
oute as men of warrs, with their Armes and Colours flyinge.
The[y] stood much uppon their Amonicon and canon, wch would
not be graunted. They marched oute 2 houres after night, and in
the ffort wee found reasonable store of Amonicon and 8 Cullverin,
6 of them were taken oute, and putt into the Convertive, The
other Two the Dutch Admirall hadd. The next Morninge earlie,
being Mundaye, a Councell of warre was summoned, and, as we
began to meete, my Lord Marshall was advertised that the Enemie
drewe strong from the mayne, and advanced towards our Troupes.
It was then thought a fitter time for Action then Councell ; so
2OO LIFE AND TIMES OF
that my Lord Marshall, together with all the Chiefes of the Land
Armies, drewe to their severall chardges ; and the Cap6"8 of the
kings shipps were commanded to Assemble, and resolve speedilie
what was to be done against those shipps, and to putt their
resolution in Execucon. The Armie marched forwards towards the
necke of the land, where wee mett with no opposicon ; and being
there wee resolved to march towards the Bridge, to breake it
downe, and left Co11. Burgh, and half Co611. Bruce his regiment to
keepe in the Town. But to speake truth to your Excie, the want of
Victualls was not knowne untill wee came half waye hither. The
daye proving very hott, our men havinge no water, nor victualls,
grewe very fainte, and the Marshall, willing to refresh them, gave
them some wine, whereof there was good store found in houses
by the waie. What with their Emptines and heate, they became
so drunke, that in my life I never sawe such beastliness, they
knew not what they said, or did, soe that all the Cheifes were in
hazard to have their Throates cutt for debarringe of them. Such a
night did I never see, nor hope never shall, for my paines were
infinite (and such as I thinke I shall never recover) ; and my
Apprehention was a greater vexacon unto me then any thinge,
for one 500 men would have Cutt all our Throates, and there was
no hope to see things in a better Condicon, for our men were
subiect to no command, such dissolute wretches the Earth never
brought foorth ; this, and the want of victualls, made them resolve
to drawe backe againe towards our shippinge, wch we did. But,
by the waie, I must tell your Excle that wee mett with a Magasine
of fisherboates, wch we conceaved to be verie usefull unto us, for
our shipping and landing againe yf occasion were, in regard of
the losse of our long boates, and to fetch these, Seaven regiments,
went 4 miles backe, the next daie, being Wednesdaye. Burgh,
Harwood, and Bruce were left to guard the Towne ; and Sir
Thomas Love came with 200 saylors and some Boates, and
Carried awaie these Spanish boates, to the number of 8, very good
boates ; the same night we marched backe againe to our quarter.
All this time we had only one Troupe of horse of the Enemyes
that did looke uppon us, but never came neere us; only that
drunken night and daie they did kill some drunken roagues that
laie dead and hidd in ditches. By this time wee had well surveyed
the Towne, and sawe daylie before us the gallies goe in and oute
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 2OI
with men and provision, wch wee Could not hinder, and the
Towne soe well fortified, That wee could not surprize it ; and for
a siedge wee were not provided, so we resolved to shipp againe
with all expedition ; being forced thereunto by the extremitie of
Raine, that Continued two or 3 daies together, that our Mus-
queteres could have no use of their Armes, wch on friday wee did.
The retreate was left to the 3 Regiments of my Lord of Essex,
Valentia, and Harwood. Most of the troupes were shipped before
the enemie did discover our retreate ; But having discovered itt,
there fell oute of the Towne some 300 as good shott as ever I
sawe, and skirmished very hottlie there, as well as before. Wee
found the want of the use of their Armes in our men; they
made fewe or no shott to any purpose, blewe upp their powder,
fledd oute of their order, and would hardlie be made stand from a
shamefull flight ; but in the end we shipped our Armie, under the
favour of the ffort, and laye still with our fleete. On friday morninge
wee waighed and came to an Anchor att S* Mary Port, where I
ment once againe we should have landed the Armie, to have
watered, of wch there was greate wante. But before I goe any
farther, I must tell your Excle That that daie that we went towards
the Bridge, wee did expect the Seamen would have assayled the
shipps ; but it was not done, nor next daie neither, untill my Lord
Marshall came backe, and then it was to late, for the Enemie had
sunke 2 or 3 shipps, crosse the Channell, and left one little hole for
themselves to come out att, against wch they had lied all their owne
shipps, beake to stearne, so that but one of our shipps could have
come to shoote att a time, and that onlie with her chase peeces,
and all the Enemies broad side to plaie uppon them, wch made
the enterprize not feasible, so we left them, to our greate dishonour,
and came and anchored before S* Marie Port on friday at night,
where wee hadd a Councell. Most were of opinion it was fittest to
goe and lie of the Southward Cape, and attend the fHeete, onlie I
propounded to land our Army and march to S* Lucars, according
unto what we hadd resolved before his MaUe. It would not be
hearkened unto, the obiections were the illnes of our men, and
the Seamen said it was a barred haven, and they could not bring
our shippinge unto us. I confesse our men are no men, but beasts.
But the truth is, more might have beene done, But the Action is to
greate for our Abilities, of wch I am so much ashamed, that I wish
2O2 LIFE AND TIMES OF
I may never live to see my Sovveraigne, nor your Excles face
againe; wch I thinke I shall not doe, for my heart is broken.
Wee are now under saile, standing for the Southward Cape ; we
shall lie in 36^' 3 7, some 60 leagues of the shoare. Yf god send the
ffleete unto us we shall have cause to give him thankes ; yf wee
misse it wee shall doe nothinge. Therefore send for the ffleete
home as soon as yon please, and god send you hereafter a better
Accompt of your future ymployem'8, then you are like to have of
this. The wants of water and beere are greate in the ffleete, wch
will force manie shipps backe everie daie, this much I thought my
dutie to Advertise you1 Excie, as being,
" Your Ex01"8,
" humble and obedient servant,
" W. ST LEGER.
" The returne of these shipps and sicknes
among our men doth force some Worthie
Captaines backe, sore against their
wills, wch would not be lost, yf your
grace intend to continue this employem*.
" from the Baye of Gales the
29th of October, I625."1
Add. " For his Excle."
End. " 29° 8bris, 1625,
Sr Wm S* Leger conc'ing the
accon of the fleete."
SIR THOMAS LOVE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" YOUR GRACE
" may be pleased to understand, the viiith of the last month wee
departed Plimoth, and the second day after wee went out wee found
the wynd contrary, Plyeing to the Southward. The xiith of the same
ther arose a great storme, betwene the Northwest and Northeast,
wch continued two daies and two nights very violent, in soe much
that for want of former care this shipp was like to loose her mast,
and in some danger to perish with 175 Sea and Landmen, with all
S. P. Dom. 1625, viii. No. 59.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 2O3
or long boats and one katch. Att that tyme wee were all severed,
and not two shipps left together, nor did not meet till wee came to
the south cape. Ther was one katch taken by a Sallieman of Warr,
and the Sillie [Scilly] Katch suncke by misfortune ; these Katches
are as improper for these Seas as some of our ships are.
" The i9th of October, being at the south cape, ther wee tooke a
resolution to goe for the barr of St. Lucar, or the bay of Gales, wch
could be first obteyned. Wee arrived in the bay of Calis on
saterday the 22th of the same, wher wee found sixe great ships, men
of warr, come from Naples, with souldiers and ordonance, to fortifie
Cales, and sixe from Brazele, with some five or sixe other men of
warr and merchants, and fiftene saile of gallies, wherein was the duke
of ffernandeane. Upon our approach the ships and some of the
gallies sett saile for Pointall, and others wee forced backe againe
into St. Mary Port. My Lord of Essex leading up, went nere the
fort of Pointall, but did not recover it, only some Dutch and
English played upon the fort all night. The next morning being
Sunday, my Lord Marshall took a resolucon and appointed forty
two saile of English, besides the Dutch, to goe up, who forced the
fort in sixe or seaven houres, landed our men, and tooke it in, with
the losse of some few men and small spoile to us. In the fort wee
had Eight peces of brasse ordonance, whereof the Dutch had two
peeces, and wee sixe. Upon our landing wee had notice that Cales
had only townsmen in it, wch did not appeare by their outworks
and approaches ; besides, they daily putt in men by gallies and
boats, wch wee could not prevent. On munday my Lord tooke a
resolucon to goe for the bridge to shutte up the passage ther, but
did retorne the next day, by reason of the inability of his men,
and their great disorder with wyne, wch they mett withall.
" On Tuesday my Lord of Essex and his squadron, but not him-
selfe, went up to Port Raiall, wher the Enimies ships were gone,
being the same place wher they sett themselves afire when Cales
was taken before, and now had ther hawled themselves into a
creeke or Lake, and had sunck at the entrance or mouth thereof
three or fower ships to stopp the passage, and had brought
ordonance to the next pointe to beate upon us, w* they attained
unto ; by reason of raine, fowle weather, and tyme, they secured
themselves that or ships retorned two daies after without doeing
any thing.
2O4 LIFE AND TIMES OF
" The 25* of the same month it was ordered by resolucon in
Councell to shipp or men again e, haveing no possibility to gaine
the towne but by force and longe seige, for wch wee were not
prepared, for or men lay in the raine night and day without any
covering or harbour.
" Dom ffrederico, that came from Brazzele, wee heard was putt
into the Straits with the greatest part of his force to secure
Mallaga. Ther be fortie or fifty saile at Lisbone in Portingale. All
these parts are fortified by the strengthe of the upland countres
drawne downe hether before wee came. But our maine Enimie
is fowle weather, of wch wee daily have our parts.
" It is resolved to send away some 12 or 14 of the coleships,
with some two thousand men, and the horse ships, wch are not now
servicable. In the fight wee were in as much, or more, danger of
or owne men as of the Enimie. The greatest part of or Sea and
Landmen have neither will nor abilitie. By reason of raine and
fowle wether none of or Pilotts or men of best experience durst
attempt the barr of St. Lucar.
" By advice wch wee received that the west Indies fleet is not
come in, but daily expected, ther is a resolucon taken for us to
lye of[f] the Southward Cape, to intercept their coming if wee can,
w°h wee indeavour to doe by all meanes. Ther are three ships
taken, wch say they belong to Hamburgh and Callis, and came out
Loaden from St. Lucar, which are sent home with their papers and
comodities, being conceived to be Dunkerke goods. One of these
shipps was taken by Capt. Raimont, who is since slaine ; he took
out of hur fower barrells of cochaneile, but I have recovered it,
and have it aboard this shipp in safety.
" Our weake and leake shipps and sicke men are some trouble,
but the worst of all is fowle weather. If their complaints be iust,
they will not be able long to indure it. Thus craving pardon
for my bouldnes, with desire of increase of all honor and happines
to you and yours, I humblie take Leave.
" Yor Graces humble servant,
"THO. LOVE.
" Aboard the Ann Roiall,
2 November, 1625." l
1 S. P. Dom. 1625, ix. No. 10.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 205
SIR GEORGE BLUNDELL TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" MAY IT PLEASE YOB EXCELLENCY,
" I know you shall have the relation of or Jornye ffrom
better pennes then mine, therefore every pticular I will omitt,
only lett you know the Wednesday after we cam ffrom plimouth,
wch was the 13 of October, we had so great a storme for many
howers that we did all think we should have perished. In wch
storme there was a Ship wth halfe the Kinges horses sonke, and a
shpp called the long Robert, wth 138 land Soldyars, too land
Captns, and a Sea Cap16. After the storme we mett in some fewe
dayes a gayn and bare for Cales, and cam into that port the 22th
of ocktober. My lo. of Essex ffirst went In, but was not so well
seconded by his own squadron as it did appeare as he might have
ben, only Sr John Chidley ffollowed him close, the rest did forbeare,
by reason whereoff the shippes and Gallyes that weare in the
harbor shott at him and thorough him, but gott a way up into a
river, and there did sink a bott, as or Sea men report, so that they
could not com at them. That night we came in we began to shoot
wth or shipps at a fortres caled Poyntall, and all the next day, but
it was so strong we could not hurt it, so we landed that night some
of or foot soldyars, and some of them in the forte seing we would
land, ran a way, yett in the landing we lost yor leftennant
Brimigham and some others. Then Sr John Burowes sumoned the
Castell, and the Captn by his Soldyars was forced to give it up, else
he might have kept it long yenough for or Balling of it. We weare
glad to have it, & in it we had 8 peces of Cannon, for wth out that
we could never have retired to or ships agayn, but wth a great deale
of losse. After we had it we marched some 9 miles into the land,
and so cam back, brought a way 8 or 9 great botes, and burned
the houses wher the king of spayne uses to ffish and powder it up
[i.e. salt the fish] for the vicktuling of his shipping. We brought a
way and spoyled divers great mastes for shippes, and brought a way
Anchors and Cables. Haveing don what harme we could, we lay
three nightes on shore, and so cam back to or shippes, for the
town of Cales was to well manned & provided every way ffor us
to com neare it. In or retrayt the[y] ffell out of the town, and Sr
Edward Harwood had the Reare. He had some men hurt and killed,
but what number I do not certanly know ; but from the first to the
2O6 LIFE AND TIMES OF
last I think hurt and killed and dyed wth sicknes a bout a 100. We
are now, and have bene this six dayes, lookeing ffor the ffleet ; but I
assure my selfe they have warning of us, for they are provided so
in every place that we can do no good by land I ffeare. We shewed
the Captn of the castell the fleet, and asked him how he liked it. He
sayd well, but his master would send a better next somer for Eng-
land. I am sorry the Comissioners for the navy should so wrong
the king and his service to say his shippes are ffitt to go to sea, and
are not but pached up, though the lyon was left at home. The
Raynbow and the dreadnaught must com horn presently, they are
so leakey and rotten, and so must many other shippes that are in
the same case ; and we must ffollow, by reason every man cryes out
for victuall, and some drink beverige of sider that stinkes worse then
carr[i]on, and have no other drink ; it hath throwne down so many
men that in some shippes they have not [enough] to trim there
sayles. We weare towld, so was yor Grace, that every on[e] had
6 monthes vicktualls and good drink fitt for men ; but I beleve you
will find it nothing so. But I am a pore man, and dare not wright
what I feare ; but if your excellency will not be partiall to som
you will find a great fawlt in them, but I besech you lett me be no
aughter. I am affrayd you have bene much wronged and a bused ;
every on lokes to his own comodyty, and regardes not the kinges
service, so there should have bene provision ffor the kinges horses
for 6 monthes, and there was many genevese [Genevese ?] provide
it, but althowgh halfe of them weare droned [drowned] by the way,
and a great many killed and left behind at callis, yet heare is no
provision ffor the rest ; but we have send them home and the
cannon, and what can we do a land [i.e. on shore] wth out orde-
nance ? I will never more be imployed in any Sea viage, if it
please god I gett home, for the misseryes are not to be reckned
when a mans provisions passe through such mens handes.
" I beseche yor Grace remeber yor promise to me to give me the
kepeing of a parke to end my dayes in quiett, after 32 years haveing
lived this troblesome life. If you help me not I am so ffarr in
debt, I shall starve and dye a beggar; but my trust is in yow.
Yor Excell[e]ncyes message I delivered to my lo. Crumwell, in
whose ship [the Bonaventure\ I go. I towld him how ill you
tooke some wordes he spake to you, wch yorself had towld him of
before. He was very sorry before I cam, and it did twise dwble his
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 207
greeffe when he hard of it agayn, protesting it should be a warning
to him while he lived, and that he thought no harm to you, and
that he hath no friend in the world to trust unto but yor Grace,
and that if you take yor favor from him he perisheth. He hath bene
so cast down ever since that untell he heares som comfortable
lins or wordes from you he will never look up • he hath ever ex-
peckted by yor favor to have risen in the world under you, as well
as many others have don, who now stand uppon there own legges
by yor grace, and durst never sheed drop of bloud for you, so he
sayth he restes unhappy untill he receives som marke of yor favour,
tho I say as from my selfe, by discourse I gather from him. So I
humbly besech yor grace to hold me in yor favor, because no man
loves you better than
" Yor porest faytheffull
" servant,
"GEO. BLUNDELL.
" from the sea in 36 degrees
this 3 of november.1
[P.S.] " I rem'ber my humble service to my lo. of Holland."
SIR EDWARD CECIL TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" MY GRACIOUS LORD ,
" According to yor Excies Commuandem*, and my dutie, I send
yor Excie the relacon of or iourney till the date hereof.
" On Wednesday, the 5th of October, the next day after we tooke
or leaves of yor Excie, about 5 in the morning, we put to sea, the
wind standing east north east, it sifted, and at last came about to
W.N.W. and N.W. and byW. When being not above 3 leagues
from land, and much raine falling, wth a darke foggie weather
threatning wind, by the importunitie and reasons of or sea men,
I gave eare to them, and so wee stood in to the shoare, not being
able to see land at a further distance then 2 miles. About 7 at
night wee anchored in the sound at Plimouth.
" My lord of Essex at Famouth mett wth the same hindrance,
1 S. P. Dom. 1625, ix. No. 15.
2O8 LIFE AND TIMES OF
and put in againe as we did. I dispatched a ketch to him, wth
instructions to meete us at sea wth the first wind.
"The next day, being Thursday, the wind came out at S.S.W.,
and fearing fowle weather we did beare in to Catt water and the
Hawmoes, for better safety.
" While we did ride there Sr Francis Stewart came to me, and
told me the Lion proved so leake againe as she could not goe the
iourney, so she is necessarily left behind.
" The xth of October, being Saterday, about five in the after-
noone, we sett sayle, wth a wind at E.N.E. Next morning, about
six of the clocke, wee fell wth my Lord of Essex, and the shippes
that were in Falmouth wth him.
" About nine the same morning we discovered 7 sayle ; some of
or fleete, bearing wth them, found them to be salt-laden, and no
prize, we lett them goe. The wind continued faire enough for us
all that day to lie or course, and till 1 2 at night the tenth day, then
fell a Calme, and on the i ith, in the morning, I called a Councell
for the shippes to p'fect theire orders, and for the better observing
of their squadrons.
" On Wednesday the 1 2th, about nine in the forenoone, being at
prayer, the wind came to the N.N.W. wth faire weather. It served
us well. Towards night we had now and then some raine, and
about six in the Evening the wind increased much. As it was not
sayle worthy, yet being large, we bore or foresaile and spritt saile ;
the sea grewe so high that we towed or long boate in peeces and
lost her, and the loss of long boates was generall ; there was not
one saved through the whole fleete. The storme was exceeding
greate, and lasted wth extremitie above 30 houres, many shippes
were in danger, almost to despaire. The long Robt of Ipswch was
drowned, wth 138 landmen and 37 sea men ; the land Captna lost in
the wracke were Fisher and Hacquett, and the Captn of the shipp
Gurlinge.
" In this tempest we had experience of the infirmities of the
Anne Royall her selfe, notwtbstanding she was so much com-
mended for p'fection, and good condition ; her Mastes grew loose,
her Ordnance to waightie for her, she would not Hull at all ; her
saylo™ for the most p'te insufficient and distracted. We were
knee deepe in water, and in danger ; and one danger it pleased
God to prevente miraculouslie, for two of or greatest ordnance in
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 2OQ
the Gunners Roome, broke loose at once and fell fowle one uppon
another, otherwise they had beaten the shipp to peeces. But
falling foule thus they gave time and meanes to bring them home
to their places againe. In all these perills I must confess of Sr Tho.
Love that he used greate care, paines, and iudgm*, for or preser-
vacon in all respects ; he played the Captn, Mr Boatswaine, and all,
and wth the extremity of labour and enduring fell sicke, and is not
yet recovered. Much of the victuall and munition through the
fleete suffred spoile. The separacons caused by the tempest was so
greate, that till fryday next at noone we sawe but one shipp of the
fleete, then we made observacons, and found we were in the
latitude of 44 and 8 min*8, and we discovered in all 20 sayle of or
shipps, whereof 2 were of the kings. The wind continued faire and
large wth a Gale ; running some 7 Leagues a watch, we steared
away wth a short sayle, staying for the rest of the fleete. On
Saterday the 15th, about 9 in the morning, we discovered more ; that
made us 33. At noone we were in the height of 32 and 6 min*8 ; at
night we discovered 2 sayle more. On Sonday morning, the wind
bearing to the N.E., we steared away S.E. and S.E. and by E. to
gaine the shoare. At noone we found or latitude 39 and 54 min*8 in
the Southerne Cape bearing then by Computacon S.E. from us. I
gave order for some shippes to looke out for Prize and to returne.
In the afternoone came 8 shippes more into or Company, whereof
one of the kings. Now we began to make ready for extraordinarie
fight ; the wind still continued no. Ea. On Monday we were in
38 and 48 min*8 ; from the Topp was descried the land wch was the
Rocke of (?), from Lisbon bearing E. and by N. some 14 leagues
from us. I sent now forth againe to discover the Cape wthout
discovering themselves, and to come backe w*h intelligence.
Tewsday noone or height was 37 and 36 min18. This day I called
a Councell to enquire of the sepa'cons and to give strickt charge
for the keeping close together. That afternoone came the Coii-
vertive to us wth 8 sayle more ; next morning we were in the height
of the Cape and discovered 1 1 sayles of shippes a head, wch we
chased, thinking they had beene Spaniards, but they proved of or
owne fleete. Thus looking abroad we discovered some 30 sayle
more to the East ward of us, wch were of or owne, w* my lord of
Essex. My lord of Denbigh tooke a small boate, Carvell of Por-
tugueses, that came from the Treceras, and being distressed wth
VOL. II. P
2IO LIFE AND TIMES OF
hunger, were glad to be taken ; we could learne nothing of them, but
that the plate fleete was not come home. This day, the xx, I
called a Councell, and lay all day by the lee ; the business of this
Councell was to advise whether to put in for S1 Lucar or Cales
Bay, according to the intent of a Councell held at Plimouth where
his Matie was present, who, uppon the doubtfulnesse of the resolu-
cons, thought good to referre it to or Consultacons when we should
be arrived neare the places, uppon better enquiry of the commo-
dities and disadvantages. It was delivered by the opinion of all
the Mra that the Haven of S* Lucar is so barred, as it is hard and
dangerous both for going in and coming out, that we could not
assure or selves of making use of the time in that place, for the
meeting of the plate fleete, if the oportunitie should be offred us ;
that it would rather have beene in the power of that fleete to have
blockt us up there, then in us to have hurt them, uppon deliberacons,
therefore, it was resolved to put into S* Mary Port and Cales Bay,
wch is a large and better Harbour, the passage in and out more safe
and easy, and the continent open to or landing. We bore for Cales
Bay, and on Saterday morning, the 22nd of Oct., coming neare the
southerne end of the Island, we fell wth 3 sayle, a Dane, a Fleming,
and a Hamburgher, woh we brought into or fleete. We put into the
Bay wtb a large wind and faire weather about 2 of the clockein the
afternoone, where there did ride 9 gallies, whereof 2 gott S* Mary
Port, and 7 Port Royall ; further in the Bay were at Anchor some
shippes, 2 of them greate, wch did cutt theire Cables and went into
the Channell of Port Royall, wth the advantage of the wind, the
same water and place where the shipps were fired uppon their
retreate at my lord of Essex, his Journey to Cales. The Vice-
admirall, according to former discipline, put in first and I next. A
Mr wth an English Barke came from the towne to us, and scaped very
hardly ; he gave us intelligence of the greate strenght of the towne,
and that those 4 Neapolitan shipps had brought souldiers into the
towne. Comming to ankor I called a Councell, where I advised
both wth seamen and landmen touching the shippes of the Enemie
gone into Port royall, and the taking of the fort of Puntall at the
bottome of the Bay. The sea-men told me that if I could gaine the
fort we had the shippes in a nett. And being so greate a fleete
wthout the gaining of the Fort betweene the offence of the Towne
and it, we could not lye wthout much danger, so as I resolved first
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 2 1 I
for the Fort, yet determining the next morning (before wch time we
could have no opportunity) to have imployed the Colliers, who
were fittest for the service drawing the least water, against those
shippes. But they proved such Cowards, that 20 of them being
presently uppon the resolucon of this Councell to fall upp wth 5 of
the Hollanders to the Battery of the Fort, those five Hollanders
instantly obeyed and plied it the uttermost, to the loss of many
men, yet not a Collier appeared in the service the whole night
through, nor would have done at all, had I not next morning
forced them to it my selfe and brought them uppon it wth threaten-
ing and cudgelling, yet when they were at it they would still be
in love wth the sternmost, and could find a way to spend their shott
uppon or owne shipps, wch they did hurt more than they did the
Enemie. And in this base fight of theirs the shipp wherein I was
my selfe, directing the service, was behoulding to them, for one
shott through the sides of her. And they did carrie themselves so
ill that we were faine to bring some of the kings shipps up to the
service, wherein I cannott omitt the mention of Capth Porter of
the Convertive, who laid close home, and behaved himselfe very
worthily and valiantlie, to the shame of the Cowardes and the
example of honest men. All that can be said in exception to him
is, that he brought a shipp of Kings so neare danger, but the Con-
sequence to that purpose will iustiffie him. The Battery continued
very hott the whole day, and the Enemie in the fort spent not a
shott in vaine, their Captn, called Francisco Bostiamente, being a
man of greate valour and of as greate experience both in the Lowe
Countries and the West Indies, and was the only Canoneire him-
selfe. In this fight were slayne Capto Raymond and his Mr called
Kenton, lamented for his sufHciencie, Sr John Bruce, a M™ Mate
of Capth Porters shipp, wth some comon men. In the end we found
that all or shipps service, notwthstanding the heate of it, would not
stirre the fort, then I caused 1,000 men to land under the Comaund
of Sr John Burgh. Uppon the landing of these, there advanced out
of the Towne some horse and some foote, but so soone as they
understood us they retired. In the landing Captn Bromicham, y°r
Excies Lieut (a valiant gent), and lieut. Prowd, wth some]soldiers and
saylors, were slaine. The present sight of the landing prevailed
more uppon the Fort then all the dayes Batterie could do from the
P 2
212 LIFE AND TIMES OF
shippes, for they p'sntly put out handkerchiefes for a Parlee, wch I
granted unto to gaine time, the sooner to undertake the shippes and
to save or men ; I gave them the Common quarter of marching
away wth bagge and baggage, landing them on the furthest from
the way to the Towne. At the giving upp we found 120 men and 8
peeces of Ordnance, of wch Ordnance, after we had made use of
them during or stay against the Enemie, we had six and the dutch
two in proporcon to theire Contract, and they deserved it both for
theire readiness and sufficiencie in service. At my view of the Fort
it' was such as I wondred we gained it so soone, being stored [with]
victuall and munition for some dayes ; but it seemes they despaired
of a reliefe seing us landed, and feared they should find no quarter
if they held out longer. Having landed a p'te of the Armie, we
thought fitt to land the rest to take a vew of the Hand, and to find
whether the strenght of the Towne did answer to the Report, or
not. At my landing I left my lord of Denbigh, vice Admirall, who
observed the place wth a great deale of iudgm*. Much to his
Comendacons and by a Councell of warre, I appointed Sr Samuell
Argoll wth a squadron to attempt the shippes in the Channell of
Port Royall, but the wind for the present served not.
" I marched through the Hand to shew the Spaniard I was
ready for him if he meant to fight, whether by sea or land. On the
march or men fell uppon some houses unaware, where on a
soddaine they found a greate quantitie of wine, theire ill Beveredge
and theire drye March carried them greedily uppon it, and every
draught disordred a man, so as I must confesse it put me to some
trouble and care having to do wth the Comaund of a multitude
in such a Case that even when they are sober they are incapeable
of order, but as it disordred or men, so it turned much to the
spoyle of the Enemie, for the wine to the quantitie of about 600
Tunnes (being a store for the west Indies, and casked up wth iron
to that purpose), we did all Stave.
" We found new boates in the Island for the supplie of or long
boates wch wee lost, and those wth greate labour we brought to
the fleete. We thought them a good purchase, seeing that at or
landing many of or men were kild for want of these boates, and
the takeing of them hath hurt the Enemie more somewhat then
theire valew, because they did belong to the Tunnie Fishing for
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 213
the victualling of the Indies ; and we have burned theire store
houses wth their sayles, netts, masts, and timber laid upp in
Magizin for the building of shipes, and the furnishing of them ;
the valew of the netts alone is accounted at 2,ooou. From Monday
till Thursday I quartred wth the Armie on land, to omitt no
search for the understanding of the place. Uppon or retreate, the
Enemie shewed himselfe in Hand, wth about 4 or 5,000 by
estimacon ; but they advanced not, only wth some loose men would
be still uppon or Reare to exercise theire spleenes uppon our
straglers, w°h they did most inhumanely by cutting of theire eares
and noses, and by the mangling and dismembring of them, yet I
used the poore men of theires that we toke like Xtians, and let
them goe for gods sake, rather then theire owne, considering
besides that neither the men nor this inhumanitie could any way
do us service.
"The towne I found verie strongly fortified wth a Garrison of
about 5,000 men, besides the forces and supplies of things necessarie
wch they might receave by the Gallies, who, takeing theire times
creeping along the shoares, especially in Calmes, would have
enjoyed that advantage of us, notwthstanding all or Industrie to
hinder them by reason of rowing and shallow swimming, so that
we sawe the towne not to be gained wthout a long seidge, and a
seige of force wch we were not provided for, the rather because or
pressed land men (besides theire too small nomber) in all theire
Actions have shewed themselves so wonderfullie unreasonable and
unsufficient, that his Mats officers for that press deserve litle but
punishm*, for no Prince or State was ever more abused in this
kind ; they killed more of theire fellowes then the Enemie did.
And I protest I was never so weary of any travaile in my life as I
have beene in p'swading these men to comon reason and could
not.
" Yet notwthstanding or owne mens baseness and the Enemies
offence, wch was well followed wth excellent musquetters and
reaching peeces, we gott or men aboard wth little losse, after many
houres skermish. And at the last being retired to the fort, the
Enemie still pursewing, I comaunded fire to be given to two
drakes, wch laden wth shott did instantlie so scatter the Spaniards
that they tooke flight and never came on more. I left 100
214 LIFE AND TIMES OF
musqttrs in the Forte for the shipping of some horses not yet on
board, and for the holding of the place till we should waigh
Anchor.
"At my coming on board I did p'ntly send to Sr Samuell
Argoll to enquire of his successe uppon the shipps in Port Royall ;
he neither had done any thing, nor could promise to do any
thing, for the Spaniards having suffred loss in the like retreate
wth his shipps at the taking of Cales, did out of that experience
provide for his defence against a second blowe, and had found out
other Creekes in that water never knowne to us, where they were
ready iust uppon theire putting in, to sinke shipps a sterne of
them thwart the narrow channel, w"* did so blocke upp the
passage, that the way to them was p'ntly made unaccessible for
shipps both of fight and fier, those of fier not having roome
enough to be directed uppon them wthout grounding on the one
side, or the other, before they could come to endanger them ; but
as we lay they might rather have fired us, being many, than we
could them, being few ; and they sent a shipp floating emptie uppon
us to trie how it would be able to fall wth a tide, wch came so
dangerouslie that we had reason to feare them, and it served us
for a p'swasion to make the more hast away to attend the comming
of the Plate fleete, wch we understood to be or greatest designe ;
and therfore by the advise of a Councell we resolved to put to
sea. So that on fryday, about 2 in the afternoone, we waighed, and
at night came to anchor in the mouth of the bay ; by the same
Councell the fleete had order to make sixtie leagues from land,
and had sett downe for retreate uppon forcible contrary winds,
one way Budge Rowe in the straights, and an other way the Isles
of Bayon ; and in the meane time, As the wind would serve, to
lye in 37 6° 37 6» J, and 36 6- £.
" We were long before we could fetch the height of the Cape,
and, in the meane time, or landmen fell so sicke that we held it
convenient by councell to send some shipps of or fleete wth or
sicke men, and some others that were faultie and leakie, and the
Prizes wch were foure, 3 of them St. Lucar laden, Callis bound,
and Dunkirkes goods. The fourth is a Scotchman, dwelling at
Dover, fraited by the Spaniard, out of Biscay wth iron and shipp
timber, wherein I have observed how much the king of Spaine
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 215
labours to increase his navy, giving as much for the fraight as the
timber is worth.
"And now I am speaking of the Prizes, I cannott omitt to
give yor Excie notice of the losse we have suffred in the missing of
Prizes, partly through the want of Pinasses, and partly through
the fowlenesse of or shippes, wch did not only loose the Enemies
they chased, but became a dishonor to his Mats fleete in point of
sayling.
" And then in an other respect I hold it my duty to let yo
Excie understand that the sea men are so ill to be trusted wth a
Prize, as they will not hold from breaking bulke. Whereof Captn
Raymond hath left a testimony at his death, having secretly taken
to his owne private use a good quantitie of Cochineale, wch I have
since taken into my owne Custody.
" We do purpose to continue here as long as we can uppon
these Coasts for the taking or hindring the arrive of the plate
fleete, wch next to the takeing is the best service, by reason the
king of Spaine cannot advance his designes so well wthout it,
and by or continued fleete here we shalbe able to promise the
defence of the Coasts of England and Ireland, and the blocking
upp of Spaine, but this cannott be done but by an other fleete, for
by all Computacons or shipps being so leake and foule, or men
continuallie so decaying, and we having no Randevous but the
Ocean, a supplie of victuall will either not find us or come un-
profitable to us.
" But I am resolved to beate it out at sea in the attendance of
this service till we shalbe forced to change or course and retire ;
and I wish of God that we may be able to indure the comming of a
second for the p'forming what we have to the keeping of the West
India Treasure from arriving Spaine ; and then a continuance of
competent Fleetes to lye uppon these Coasts of Spaine betweene
the north cape and Gibraltar, sufficientlie and closely followed will
blocke up Spain, and defend his Ma*8 kingdomes; and to the
charge and action of this warre, I believe the States will most
willingly contribute and venture, by reason they know by long
experience that the king of Spaine by any offence at sea cannott
els be reduced to Restitution and equall neighbourhood so soone.
2l6 LIFE AND TIMES OF
" And so wth my hartie devotion to his Ma" service, and my
prayers for Excie, I remaine,
" Yor Excies
" most faithfull and obedient servant
" and soldier,
"£D. CECYLL.
" From aboard the Anne
Royall, the 8th of Novbr,
1625." 1
End.
" A lre written to his Ex.
the 8th of Nov., 1625,
from Generall Cecill
conc'ning the accon of the
fleete."
SIR EDWARD CECIL TO SIR JOHN COKE.
" RIGHT HONOURABLE,
" I have written my particular journall to his^ Excie my Lo.
Duke, which I think will bee opened before his returne, if hee
bee out of England, as hee did determine at my departure, so that
I shall not need to be so particular as otherwise I would.
" All I can say is, that our journeie hath not deceived mee ;
beeing a winter journeie, finding an enemie so long prepared for
us, having no harbour to befrend us ; wanting our long boats to
land our men, and hardlie a ship of the whole fleete cleane
enough for the chase of a prize ; yet to our powers with theise
inconveniences wee have not been wanting, notwithstanding there
is such a crying out of leakes and dangers of the kinge's shippes,
which are old and unfitt indeed for theise seas, especiallie in
winter. And my shippe hath as much cause to complaine as
anie ; both for her leakes, the danger of loosing her manie
[main ?] mast, and her ill condition, refusing by anie meanes to
1 S. P. Dom. 1625, ix. No. 30. This letter is in a clerk's hand, and is only
signed by Edward Cecil.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 21 7
hull in the storme, when shee took in so much water, as all the
mariners were forced to work in water up to the knees.
" Our prizis are yet but 3, laden for the port of Callis (as we
judge) with Dunkirkes goods. If their bills of lading be well
examined, there will be money (in some measure) found, as well as
marchandizes. The Commissarie Generall, by my order, did give
forth some buttes of sack to the Colonelles, by way of provision
for bevberage, whereof their is a just account kept ; and now I am
speaking of Capne Mason, and his commissary, I must needs re-
commend him to your Honour, for an honest, sufficient, carefull
officer, as any could have beene employed in the place. This
sack I granted to the deliverie of, yet nothing neare the propor-
tion demanded. My Lo. of Essex, the Vice Admirall, had a
barrell of Tabacco, and my Lo. of Denbigh another, which I
could not denie them. And though I might have made myselfe
an allowance in some measure, yet I have taken nothing but a
few lymons and oranges that would have been spoyled in the
passage. The Dutch Admirall looks for a fivth of the Prizes,
according to the contract.
" I have had so much adoe to keep the Capnes that did chase
the prizes from breaking bulk, that I know not how to prevent it ;
first, in regard they are for the most part taken so farre off my
ship as I cannot send to them in anie time ; secondly, by reason
of the meanes and commodities they have for the secrett carriage
of the abuse, by putting their own men aboard the prizes ; and
now that I take a more strict order for the prevention, they grow
very lazie, and will hardlie look out for a saile. Capne Raymond
(now dead) had by this deceit gotten for his private 4 or 5
barren's of Coochenille, which I have, since his death, caused to
be brought into mine owne ship, where it remaines upon a safe
account, considering there had beene no trusting it loose, abord
the Prize again. This kind of stealing is a thing of such custome
at sea, that without more wages, and a more particular oath of
true service, I cannot see how it will be remidied.
" I have thought fitt, with the advise of the Counsell, to send
theise prizes, with some of our worst colliars, and such foote as
we can best spare, and the horse boates, because wee find there
can but little bee done by land, and not much by sea (considering
our shippes proove so faultie already), onlie (if we can) to keepe
2l8 LIFE AND TIMES OF
the Plate Fleete from arriving this part of the winter, for the per-
formeing of which service (our shippes daily complayning, and
our men decaying), I can find it to no purpose that my Lord
Duke should send a reliefe of victual, for, having no Harbour, wee
know not where wee shall bee found. If his Excie intend us a
reliefe, it may please him to lett it consist rather of another fleete
of 4otie or 50"° shippes, strong and cleane, or to give order that a
number of this fleete be returned home and made readie to come
out againe (whilst the rest staie here), to continue our attendance
for the Plate Fleete, which will bee the greatest hindrance to the
K. of Spaine's proceedinges that can be propounded, I think ; in
which service wee that are now at sea will do our best, but by all
our computacons wee are not provided to hold out heere longer
then Christmas, and I shall bee sorrie to see so good a beginning
to this purpose lost for want of a supplie, seeing that so long as
his Matie shall have a good fleete here at sea, wee maie with good
reason hope that England and Ireland will by this meanes bee
well defended, and Spaine blocked up. And to this end the
States will not bee wanting, because they know it is the true way,
and no other; since we have begun with the K. of Spaine to
drive him to the defence of himselfe, onlie that hitherto hath
offended both us and our frends.
" I have appointed officers for the command of the men and
the care of the victual j the men being to remain on shipboard
till his Maties pleasure bee knowne ; and all this gouverned to the
advantage of his Maties service. And I could wish if his Matle
resolve to continue a warre, theise landmen maie be bestowed in
some guarisons to be exercised to their musquettes, for alwaies
to raise new men will bee a charge cast away to our dishonour ;
but whether it will bee better to have them kept in their countries
where possiblie they may live with lesse charge to his MaUe, I
leave to the higher Powers. Besides the sick men, I have sent
others for the better guard of the ships wee took (which wee have
now found lawfull prize), and some shippes to convoy them, which
I refer to his Matie'8 pleasure, whether they shall be returned to
us or not.
" There came an Argier man into our Fleete with two Prizes,
one of sugars, and an Englishman laden with Spanish goods, some
iron and knee timber for shipping ; wee detained neither of them.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 2IQ
But hee hath left the Englishman with us, who is now our Prize,
and sent with the rest.
" I am to make an humble suite to your Honor, that in regard
his Matie was pleased by my Lord Duke's meanes, to give me the
choise of what place I desired my viscountship, which (at first) I
did choose of Wimbledon, that now, upon better consideration, I
may have it to bee Lord Cecyll, Vycount Latymer, because it was
the antient Title of my grandfather by my mother's side, and now
extinguished. This Favour, if you can procure mee, you shall for
ever bind mee to bee your servant. And so returning to my
sea busines, I remaine,
" Yor HrB humble servant,
" ED. CECYLL.
" From aboard the Anne Royall,
the 8th of Novem., 1625." l
SIR EDWARD CECIL TO LORD CONWAY.
" MY VERIE GOOD LORD,
" I assure my selfe that the Particulars of my Journall to his
Excie, the Duke, shall bee communicated to your Lop, therefore
I neede not bee so ample, as otherwise I would.
" There are three Reasons that caused me to send away this
dispatch. First, my Lord Duke's commandement to advertise
his Excie, with the first opportunitie, of our successe, what-
soever it should bee. The second, for the conveying of the
Prizes. And the third, to discharge our selves of some of our sick
and unserviceable Men.
" Touching our successe, it proves, as I alwaies imagined of
a winter Journeie, with so great a Fleete, neither well provided,
nor prepared, against an enemie long warned to defend himselfe,
and having no harbour to defend us.
" Five dales after our putting to sea, we had a storme upon us,
that lasted above 30"" houres with extremitie. Wee lost one ship
1 From the Coke MSS. in the possession of Earl Cowper at Melbourne Hall
and published in Dr. Grosart's Introduction to Glanville's Journal.
22O LIFE AND TIMES OF
with 1 80 sea and land Men, and the whole Fleete was in
danger.
" The separacon was such, that if wee had not provided well
by instruction, for our Redevous, and had not the wind beene
large for our Course, wee should hardlie ever have all mett
againe this voyage.
"Wee united within 7 Dais, and, upon Councell, wee stered
for the Bay of Gales, where we putt in the 22th of Octo., about
2 in the afternoone. The gallies gott Sct Marie Port, 6* Port
Royall. The shippes in the Bay might have ridde under the
favour of the Towne, where wee could not have much hurt them,
yet presentlie, upon our comming in, they cutt their Cables, and
went into the Haven of Port Royal, where the shippes were
fired at, my Lord of Essex his being heere. But theise went
with that Resoluc'on, that it seemed they had made their
preparac'on before, which afterward Wee found. Comming to
Anchor, I did presentlie call a Councell of seamen and land-
men, to resolve whether first for those shippes, or first for the
Fort. The seamen told mee, if I could gaine the Forte, the
shippes were in a Nett ; and our Fleete beeing so great, could
not ride without the danger of the Fort. Therefore, I fell to the
Batterie of it, with shippes, and continued so a whole daie,
without stirring it to anie purpose. Then I landed a 1,000 men,
whereupon the Fort, though strong, and well provided for some
daies, through the mutinie of the soldiers, rendred.
" Having landed part of the Armie, I thought fitt for our
securitie to land the rest, the rather, by reason, there were
discovered 4 or 5,000 of the enemie's forces in the Hand, and
3 or 4 Companies of Horse, with whome I did choose rather
to fight, then to bee surprised.
" Giving order, therefore, to Sr Sam : Argoll, wth the second
squadron, to goe upon the Attempt of the Enemies shippes,
during my absence, bycause the service both at sea and land
might bee advanced together without loss of time, I marched
through the Hand, and, at my returne home, those Forces of the
enemie appeared, but advanced not. The Towne I found
stronglie fortified, with a guarrison of 4 or 5,000 Men, besides
the Reliefe that from time to time it might have had by the
Gallies. I quartered in the Hand, from Munday to Thursday,
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 221
and then retired to ship my Men, which I did 'with little losse,
notwithstanding our owne Mens unsufficiencie, and the Enemies
offence well followed.
" When I had shipped the whole Armie I went abourd my selfe,
leaving a 100 Musquetiers in the Fort, to hold it, till our
waighing Anchor.
" At my comming abourd, I sent to Sr Sam : Argoll, to know of
his successe. I found by him that experience had learned, and
prepared them how to defend themselves the second time, and
there was no accesse to them ; but as wee lay, they might rather
have fired us, beeing manie, than wee could them, beeing few ; and
they sent an emptie ship floating, to trie how it would drive upon
us, which came so da ngerouslie, that wee had reason to feare them,
and it served us for a perswasion to make the more hast awaie,
especiallie hearing that the Plate-Fleete was not yet arrived, and
yet meant to arrive, wch wee understand for our greatest designe ;
and therefore, though wee might have done more by land, wee
made all other proiects give waie, and hastend to attend that
service, where wee doe now staie for them, in the height of the
Southerne Cape, and have given order to the Fleete to spread
into such distances as may best serve, for the discoverie and
intercepting of them.
" There are 4 prizes sent, 3 of them, Sct Lucar laden, Callis
bound, and Dunkirkes goods. The 4th is a Scotch-man dwelling
at Dover, laden by the Spaniards, out of Biscay, with Iron, and
ship-Timber. Wherein it may bee observed, how much the K. of
Spaine labours the increase of his Navy, for he gives as much for
the fraight as the Timber is worth ; and they have none nearer
then Biscay, which maie bee prevented, if a Fleete bee continued
upon theise Coastes. The third reason of sending this dispatch
(as I said) is our sick Men, which puttes mee in mind of our
infirmities and defectes, and I thinke it not unnecessarie, to give
yr Lop an account of them.
" First, the land-Men were so ill-exercised, notwithstanding
their long aboade at Plimmouth, to his Matles great charge, that
when wee came to employ them, they proved rather a danger to
us then a strength, killing more of our owne Men than they did
of the Enemie.
" Secondlie, they fall sick everie day, and so doe our sea-Men,
222 LIFE AND TIMES OF
so fast, that their officers complaine they have not alle men inough
sufficient for their watches, in most of the Fleete. And in the
Convertive of the Kinges, Capne Porter telles mee hee is not able
to make 1 5 in a watch to trimme the sailes.
" Thirdlie, the shippes complaine of leakes, and the Kinges
shippes as much as anie, and mine no less than anie of the rest,
showing us, how dangerous it is to bring old shippes into so
labouring a sea, in a Winter Voyage.
" Fourthlie, the shippes are generallie so fowle, that they
cannot follow a chaze, wthout loosing the Prize, and dishonouring
our Fleete in point of sailing.
" Fifthlie, we find one want in this Fleete, which in Qu :
Elizabeth's time was alwaies furnished. That is, a competent
number of Pinasses. In stead whereof, to save charge, wee have
now Ketches, that men are so afraid to goe in, as wee have beene
often thinking to sinke them, for the safetie of the Men, and now
we are resolved to doe it. By reason of this want of Pinasses, I
assure my selfe, by the Judgment of the whole Fleete, wee have
lost manie a Prize, which would have saved a farre greater charge.
" Sixthlie, our Bevvrage is ill, our water almost spent, and our
Victuall beginning to grow short. Wee shall bee forced to water
before we would, wch wee have no place to accomodate us for, but
the lies of Bayon.
" All theise difficulties and wantes I imagined wee should suffer
before my parting with my Lord Duke, yet bycause his Excie was
pleased to command mee for the service, I resolved to undertake
anie thing, rather than show anie discouragement
" I am afraid theise infirmities and defectes will make our
Journeie so much the shorter ; but wee are resolved to endure all
hazardes and ride hereabout in theise degrees of Latitude, to
attend the Plate-Fleete, so long as extremitie will possiblie give
Us leave.
" But I can by no meanes advise that his Matle should send a
supplie of Victuall, for having no Rendevous, wee know not
where to bee found, and the defectes in other kindes are so many,
and so impossible to bee remedied heere at sea, that a supplie of
Victuall cannot helpe us, though it came to us, without a second
of shippes, which I doe hartilie wish wee maie bee able to
attend (but I feare wee shall not, our weaknesses in the Fleete doe
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 223
so dailie multiplie upon Us), for can his Matle continue a Fleete
upon theise Coastes, the Coastes of England and Ireland would
bee defended, and Spaine blocked up, to the reducing of the
Spaniard, to reason and Restituc'on. And, I know, the States
will not bee wanting in this Action, bycause they understand it to
bee the true way.
" I speake this to your Lordship, as to one sensible of the cause,
how it hath suffered, and devoted to the Remedie.
" So I remaine
" yr Lo^
" humble servant,
" ED. CECYLL.
" from abourd the Anne Royall,
the gth of Novem., 1625.
[P.S.] " MY LORD,
" Just now, before I could scale up this letter, I received this
information, from those sufficient Men, that were appointed for
their Judgmentes, to search the Raynbowe of the Kinges, that
shee is so extraordinarilie leake as being pump'd to 1 1 inches, and
sounding againe in 3 [hour] glasses, being an houre and a halfe,
they found it 18 inches. Besides, there is a leake found about
her Head and Hawse, woh increasing in her Powder-Roome, and
continuing there 5 or 6 daies, which no Man knowes how to
prevent, they are forced to bayle the water, bycause it will not
issue to the Pumpe, and yet now it is faire weather. There-
fore I am forced to returne her with this dispatch, whereby your
Lop may see my former Relation of Complaintes was not in
Vaine. Sr John Chidley, a worthie gentleman, commanding in the
Rainebow, was, notwithstanding, not the first that complained." 1
SIR MICHAEL GEERE, Captain of the St. George, TO His SON
WILLIAM GEERE.
" Ffrom the Ventry, the nth of Decemb., 1625.
" Lovinge sonn, these are to certefye the[e], and all my frynds,
of the pcedinges of our vaige, hether to, vzo, the 8th of octobar
1 S. P. Dom. 1625, ix. No. 39.
224 LIFE AND TIMES OF
wee put out of ffalmouthe, wth a faire Wynde, & 30 shipes moore of
cure ffleet to gathar, wch cam o* of plemouthe, to the nombar of
96 shipes; the 12th a grate storme of fowle weather tooke us, the
winde faire, to carry us one or Jorney, but ded blowe so vehe-
mently, that we ware all saparated, wth the lose of sum of or shipes,
wch sunck 6° pereshte, men 6° all, I havinge but 4 shipes lefte in
my company, 2 of the kings 6° 2 others. The 17th day I had sight
of the Sowther Cape, wcb was or Randevose, whare it plased god
to send us the best intelegence for the good of or vaige, so mar-
ackosly as evar was, for a spanneshe boate that was carringe of
sartayne passingars, from the Ilond of gracios0 to the Ilond of
Tersera, wch is but 20 myles a sondar, was dreven by fowle
weather 6- contrary wyndes to us of[f] the cape, wch is nere 800
myles a sondar, who towld us that 4 Carricks was paste lately by
those Ilonds, home to lishborne, and that there was at those
Ilonds 30 or 40 sayle of the Kinge of spaynes men of war w**
attended for the West Endia plate ffleet to gard them into spayne,
wch thare was no dowbtt to be made, but we might a taken them
every shipp, but it wold not be aprehended by those wch I hope
can hardly answare it. The 19th Day we mett all oure ffleet to
gather, nere the Cape ; the 2otb the Admorall cald a Counsell,
6° then concluded to goo for the Bay of Gales. The 22th wee went
all or ffleet into the Bay of cales, unexspected or thowght of by the
spanyardes, untell we cam so nere the towne that they knewe us
by our fflagges, but took us to be thare west Endia plate ffleet.
The Earle of Essex, wth his sqwadron of ships, was apoynted to
leade the way, and so ded, very nobley, but not one of his
sqwadron cam nere hem at his goinge in ; out of port St. Mary cam
9 galles, wch he a loane in Cowntred, 6 of them skapt, 6- run
a way up to port Royall, 6° 3 of them he made retorne agayne
from whence they cam ; 18 or 20 ships lykwise of the kynge of
Spaynes great shipes, his men of war, lyinge at Anckar agaynst
the towne of Cales, did sett sayle 6° runn upe to port Royall,
dowbtinge the stringthe of Cales coude not secure them from us.
And no ordar geven for the surprisinge of them, but all our ffleet
came to an Anckar, And then the Admorall cald a Counsell what
to do, to to late, woh was by hem onely ordered, that sarten ships
should go that night and Batter the Castell of poynttall, wth thare
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 225
grat ordenance, whiche they ded all night. The next morninge
most of the ffleet was commanded lykwise to goo 6° Battar the
castell, dv spent a bove 2000 shott uppon it, and a bout 4 a clocke
order was geven for the landinge of or solders, to Assalt the
Castell, 6- ded land wth lose of men, but ded not attempt it, but
martcht by it, a littell toward the towne of Gales, <5° there made a
stand. The Spanyardes in the Castell summoned a parly, yett
maney of them runninge a way over the water, yett leave was
geven to the rest to depart wth thare armes &> collers [colours].
Aftar so manny dayes all spent to no purpose, and our solders
landed, wch was a joyfull sight to me to see, wth so many brave,
valient, 6° foreward leaders 6° commanders, 6° nothinge attempted,
nor no Ressestance, no not I dare mayntayne [of] a TOO peld (sic)
spaynyards, wth thare shott at the farthest lengthe, yett the 28th
ware all embarked a board our ships agayne. We set sayle from
thence, 6° cam away 6^ anckord that night wtbout the bay of
Cales, and at mednight like run awayes, went to sea 6° left 'all.
The 3ith, beinge a bout 20 leages from Cales, at sea, we had sight
of 4 ships of the kynge of spaynes west Endia ffleet, which
past faire by all our ffleet into Cales or St. Lewacar, very
peasably. The 4th of Novemb. we had sight of the Sowther
Cape a gaine. Then a counsell was cald a board the Admorall,
whose onely will and commande was, we should [with] all the fleet,
ly twoo, 6°againe, in the latetud of 36 &* 37 degrees to looke
for those wch ware peasabbly gon home, all redy, 6- to spend
tyme, wch ware his own wordes, not wthstanding thare was many
complantes of the captayns of the shipes of thare wantes, wch sum
of them had not 8 days drynke in thare shipes, 6° he to kepe so
manny shipes full of wantes 6- a nomb. of weak solders, he
intendinge, I dare sware, not to do anny service wth them, but to
spend tyme, as he hem selfe sayd, wch tyme so ill spent hathe ben
the cawse of the deathe of many a man, besyde the great hazard, I
doubt me, of many of or shipes, for we might a ben all in England
longe since ; since wiche tyme, wth a great deale of Mortallety, <5v
sicknes in our ships, S* many wantes, 6° great extremety of
contrary wyndes 6- foule weathar, it hath pleased God, wth muche
a do, we have recovered a place in Earland called the Ventry, a
resonabell safe Road. I was, wth 6 shipes more of our flett, wth
VOL. II. Q
226 LIFE AND TIMES OF
in TO lages of our owne coast of England, one the Sth of this
enstant monthe, but after, with moste extreame stormes 6-
Easterly wyndes we are beaten uppon this coaste, moste of all
our sales blowne a way, all Rotten rope, no candels in the
shipe, littell drynke 6° y4 stinkinge wattar ; to a 100 sicke men
59 deade ; twoo Matrs mates, 3 of my men, and not 10 men
abott to do anny service; if* we had not gott in here we had
perresht in the sea, wch I feare me many of or ffleet will. What will
be com of us yett God knowes; I have littell hopes, but the
mercie of God ; this Contry is not able I dowbt me to furneshe us
wth men.
" My comfort is, I thancke god, I have as good a shipe under me
as anny is in Cristindom, wch sayles wondrose well, the best of all
the ffleet, well quallefed every way, very stanche, his Matie hathe
not a moore servisabler shipe in all his navey, but much wronged
by reason of Rotten ropes 6° sayles 6° in all kyndes of stoares, vzi,
one shefte of our sayles, ware the owld Triumphes in the yere 88 ;
and the other sute of sayles, wch we had for or best, were the An
Royals Cast sayles ; our ffore shrowds ware the owld Garlands,
wch it semes served her many yeres, all, boothe sayles 6° ropes ;
starke Rattan [rotten ? ] oure store of new ropes ; when we cam to
make use of thern 6- to open, the quoyles ware of divers pieces,
6° the best of them starke ratten, but fairly tard ovar. This shipe
had nevar newe sayle made for her sence she was bult, lett all
honest men Judge how his Maties service hathe ben a bewsed. I
greve to wright of many other abewses as in our vittils, our fleshe,
cut at halfe the kynges allowance, d^ that so stinks that I presume
hathe ben the cawse of the death e & sicknes wch is amongst us ;
no dogg of parrish [Paris] Garden I thinke will eate it. At oure
cominge in here we had but 64 singell candeles in the shipe, wch
was to us as great a want as anny thinge. Thus praynge to the
All Mightye god, I may be here supplyd wth men to bring his Maties
shipe home into England in safety, or else loke not for me. I
have taken the best coorse I can. I have written to Sr Thomas
Butten [Button], who I thinke is at Corke or Kensayle in one of
his Maties shipes, to take and work the best meanes he may to send
me a c men from thence. Commende my love to thy mother,
wife 6° children. I pray god to bless the[e] and thyne, com-
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 227
mend me to all ; so wth an over tyred boody 6" a troubled
mynde, wth a greved hart, I seace, wtb my hope of godes mercis.
Amen.
" Thy destressed ffathar,
" MICHAELL GEERE."
Add.
" To my lovinge sonn
Wm. Geere geve these."
End.
" Decemb. 1625,
Sr Michaell Geere to his
sonne." 1
THE COMMISSIONERS AT PLYMOUTH TO THE COUNCIL.
" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR Lops,
" Upon the receipt of your Lo1"9 of the 6th of this instant, wee
tooke care howe wee might best accomplish the tenor thereof,
wch wee have done for those already aryved both sicke dv whole,
and have herewth sent the particular nomber of them. But for as
much, as by the same wee are assigned, only to provide for the
land souldiers, that were to come in fifteene sayle of shipps, sent
before the rest of the ffleete, and findinge that the whole Armie
is likely to aryve wth the first winds, and that maney of them come
straglinge in ev'ye [every] day to sev'all ports, as the wind will
give them leave. We have thought it our Duties, humbly to
understand such farther directions herein as to your wisdoms
shalbe thought meete, recomendinge to your grave consideracons
the great charge 6- trouble this small corner of this kingdome
hath already undergone, &> howe hard a thinge it will be to
continue the same, especially this winter quarter; the armie
returninge naked 6" poore, full of sicknes and in great distresse
of all necessaries. May it therefore please your Lordshipps to be
a meanes to his Royall Matie that some of these Regiments may
be sent into some other Countries, that soe the burdens may be
lestened, the provisions for them the more conveniently made, 6°
the intended service soe much the better performed. And
1 S. P. Dom. 1625, xi. No. 49.
Q 2
228 LIFE AND TIMES OF
whereas it seemeth that it is your pleasures they should be still
continued, at the rate of halfe a Crowne the weeke, a proportion
in common opinion too little, especially in the winter season, wch
affordes noe other meanes of reliefe, &» cheefly for those that are
sicke, Wee farther humbly desire some speedy order maie be given
for the apparillinge of them ; inasmuch as now wee find the
greatest part not to have whereth to cover their nakednesse, wch
is imputed to be the greatest cause of their miseries, nether by
yor Lo1* tres, or anie other tres that wee have formerly receaved,
doe wee find anie order assigned for the mayntenance of the
Captaines 6° officers, whose complaints in some sort are equall
wth those of the companies, they beinge gentlemen farr from their
ffreindes, and manie of small meanes to support their ordinary
expences ; and wee presume it is not your Lo1"9 pleasure the Armie
should be held togeather wthout their service, nether will their
paines be small in the accomplishment of what is expected at
their handes for the orderinge and disciplinge of them, as is fit
they should ; nether maie wee omitt to remember your Lordshipps
of the necessity of power to be given to put in execution the
lawe Marshalle, and that wth as much expedition as is possible, for
their extreame miseries will doubtless force them to supply them-
selves by unjust waies ; and soe much the rather for that there
hath bin some permisse made unto them heretofore by some of
us that both wee would be sutors for better allowance for them.
As alsoe for supplies of apparrell, or otherwaies they would have
hardly been kept irom Mutyney ; nether can wee doubt of your
Lo1" worthie cares, as it pleaseth you to intymate for the speedy
sendinge downe of monie, wheretb to give satisfaction to the
Country, to whome we are and must be ingaged for the per-
formance thereof. Even soe committinge the whole to your grave
wisdomes, Wee rest in all dutie.
" Yor Lo1* humble Servants,
" NICHO. BLAKE, Mayor.
"FERD. GOWER
" WARWICK
"WILLMS. BASTARD. "SAM. ROLLE. HELE.
"Ri. CAREW.
"ABR. CHAMPNOWNE. "SAMPSON HELE.
" ALEX. MAYNARD. " JOHN SCOBBELL.
" JOHN FFOWELL.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 2 2Q
" Plymouth the 15*
of December 1625." l
Add.
" To the Right Houoble the Lordes
of his Maties most honble privy
Councell, these."
End.
" Decembr 1625.
A tre from the
Com™ at Plymouth."
SIR THOS. LOVE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" MAY IT PLEASE YoB GRACE,
" In a former that was sent by the Rainbowe 6° those twelve
ships that were dispatched home from the South Cape, I did
give your Grace a breife Accompt of or then proceedinge.
ffowertene daies after or departure from Plimoth wee came into
the bay of Gales, wher wee found fifteene saile of gallies, six saile
of the kinge's men of warr wch came out of the Straites with
souldiers who had landed them in Gales ; sixe or seaven others
that were come from Brazele and five or sixe merchant's shipps,
upon or approach the ships cutt their cables being tyde of fludd
6° went up above pointall and ten saile of gallies with them,
wher they made noe stay, but tooke the benefitt of all tides 6*
went up into a creeke, or Lake, at Port Raiall, where the[y]
fortified themselves and suncke three or fower ships at the mouth
of the creeke that no ships could come in to them, wch was their
security.
" My Lord of Essex Ledd the way in, but by reason of the
tide of ebb wee were not alle to recover Pointall the first night.
The next morning wee went up about 40 or 50 saile, forced the
fort, And tooke it in with eight peces of brasse 6° some 200 men.
Landed our men. That day was spent ; the next day order was
given for my Lord of Essex his squadron to goe up to trye what
S. P. £>om. 1625, xi. No. 71.
230 LIFE AND TIMES OF
they could doe against the ships, but retourned without doeing
any thinge.
"The towne of Gales was stronge 6° not to be meddled
withall, but by seige, for wch wee were not provided ; for the barr
of S*. Lucar, by reason of the fowle weather and the tyme of the
yeare, none of or Pilotts would adventure to cary or ships over.
Haveing spent eight daies in this bay wee retorned 6° tooke a
Resolucon to lye of the south Cape to looke for the west Indies
fleet, wher wee remained some 20 daies, but could neither see
nor heare of them, in wch tyme or men fell sicke soe fast, or
victualls proved badd &= drincke skant, and many shipps, es-
pecially the king's ships, soe weake 6° leake as wee were forced
to sincke one of the katches and to putt the men aboard Sr Willm
S* Leger in the Convertive, and to take men out of other ships to
man the S* George and the Swiftsure.
"By reason of the complaints aforesaid, a Councell resolved to
come home, conceiveing that to be the best way for the preserva-
con of his ma*8 ships and the rest of the fleet. In our way
homewards wee mett with contrary winds, stormes, 6° fowle
weather wch made or shipp prove very leake, and broake or fore-
yard 6° crack't or foremast, splitt or sailes 6- spoiled or roapes,
not without much danger to the shipp. Coming within sight of
Sillie, the wind being forcable against us, many of our men dead
and most of those liveing sicke &> unable to doe service, wee
were constrained to seeke an harbour, and arrived here the xith of
this month, wher by the help of Capt : Harris and other shipps
wee gott in safely, haveing sixe foott water in hould when wee
came in. The Rainbowe, the Bonaventure, the dreadnaught, and
(wee thinke) the S* Andrew, with my Lord of Denbigh with some
tenn or 12 saile more of or fleet are put into harbour to the
westward of this place, for as wee heare ther are some 20 saile in
this country.
" My Lord President of Munster hath bene here with us, and
hath promised us a supplie of 100 or 80 men, without wch wee
should not be able to sturr out of this place, but must have staid
for men to have bene sent out of England. Wee purpose to fitt
or shipp and provide hir with all expedicon, to bring hur away
with the first opportunity 6° faire wind, and as many of the other
ships as wee cann, to ease his matie of the great charge he is at.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 231
" My humble sute to yr grace is that yow wilbee pleased to
excuse mee for not inlarging in setting downe the defectes, errors,
6* Remidies of this troublesome iorney, wch I forbeare till I be soe
happie as too waite upon yor grace to relate a large. Thus with
my desire to the Almightie for all encrease of honor and hapines
to yow and all y™, craveing pardon for my bouldness, I humblie
take leave.
" Yor Graces humble servant,
" THOS. LOVE.
" Kingsale this iyth
December 1625." l
Add.
" For the Duke of Buckingham
his Grace.
these."
End.
" 17° December, 1625
Sir Tho. Love to my
Lord."
SIR W. ST. LEGER TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" MOST EXCELLENT LORD,
" I did att large signifie unto your Grace, by the dispatches
that wee made by the Rainebowe, from the South Cape, what
happened, att our comming unto Gales, and what passed during
our aboade there ; wch letters I feare are not as yett come unto
your handes ; in regard I here not of her, nor of any that did
accompanie her home ; But I hope, that both shee, and they
have recovered Ireland ; sethence they left us there hath beene a
resolution, taken by my Lord Marshall, and the Councell of warre
to come home ; why, or wherefore I am not able to saie ; neither
doe I know any reason, for it, for my indisposition kept me
from that meetinge ; But when it was brought me home, I did
both by word 6° writing protest against itt, as I shallbe able to
shewe your grace hereafter. This daie the Colonells Conway,
1 S. P. Dom, 1625, xii. No. 2.
232 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Burgh, Harwood, and my self are arrived here with some Seaven-
teene saile of shipps ; where the rest are I am not able to sai, for
I have not scene anie of his Matie's. ships these 3 weekes and
uppwardes, only my Lord of Denby, whome we left on Tuesdaie
last, att night, in a very greate storme ; and the next Morninge
wee happened to meete with the Reformation in greate distresse,
having spent both her Masts ; wee had Sir Edward Conwaye, and
some other gentlemen oute of her, and wee supplied her with
what wee were able, and did resolve not to have parted from her,
until wee had brought her home, But a cruell storme parted us
the same night, some 20 leagues to the westwardes of Silley;
sithence the weather hath beene faire, and the windes good, so
that I hope both she, and the most of the ffleete, will be here,
and att ffalmouth, this night, or to morrow. I finde that here is
order for the billitinge of the souldiers, wch being done, I would
beseech your grace, to give me leave to kisse your grace's handes,
Although I shallbe ashamed to looke uppon my Sovveraigne or
your grace's face, yett not for my owne faults but for other mens.
Although I call heaven to witness, that my Counsells, and en-
deavours, have tended to the Advancement of this Action, I
knowe all the Cheiftaines will flie with open Mouth, uppon the
Marshall; I neither can nor will excuse him, yet I know they
that will blame him most, are not blamelesse, wch your grace will
soone discerne when youw have heard what hath passed ; to
morrow, I will send your grace a coppie of what I writt from
Cales, And attend your grace's farther pleasure, And pray for my
deare Lord Coventrie,1 wch happie newes hath somewhat revived
me, that am,
" Your Excellent,
" Most humble Servant,
" W. ST. LEGER.
" Plymouth the i8th December
1625." 2
1 " Sir Thomas Coventry on Sunday last was sworn of the Privy Councill
and made Lord Keeper," wrote Sir John North to the Earl of Leicester, on
Nov. 4; "the Solicitor Heath is Attorney General and one Shelton (now
knighted) is Solicitor. My Lord Duke's creatures are the men that rise ; the
King's servants having little hope of preferment."
" S. P. Dom. 1625, xii. No. 6. Written in a clerk's hand and signed by
St. Leger.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 233
Add.
" To his Excellencie
The Duke of Buckingham
his grace, Lord High Admirall
of England."
End.
" 18 Decemb, 1625.
Sr Wm. St. Leger."
SIR W. ST. LEGER TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" MOST EXCELLENT LORD,
" And my gracious Master, according unto my engagements of
yesterdaie, I send your Excie here enclosed a Duplicatt of what I
sent from the South Cape, by wcb your Excie will discerne what
small hope I had of doing your Excie, or his Matie, service in this
expedition ; I cannot give you1 Exclc any reason for itt, other
than those I have alleaged in my former, only I maie adde this to
the former. That I thinke some of the Councell hadd no
desire we should do anything, because they would value their
Councell given before his Matie and you Excie, wch were fraught
full of difficulties then, and soe continued unto the end, and that
your Excie will nowe finde, that unlesse his Matie satisfie their
greadie appetites with extraordinarie meanes, they will neglect his
service ; and, as I have formerlie said, I knowe they will all crie
out uppon the Marshall ; (who I confesse unto your Excie hath
not such abilities as I could wish in a Generall) which one my
soule they were gladd of, that they might the better shelter their
own lash \lache\ and timirous Councells. I would not willinglie
accuse them all, yet I doe not knowe whome to excuse, for I
maie justlie disclaime all their Councells (except two), for I never
sawe them goe aboute any thinge, that did either savour of
Judgment, or courage, wch your Excie will discerne by their Acts of
Councell, I speake not (I vowe to god before your Excie) oute of
any perticular spleene to any of them, but oute of the anguish of
my soule, to see soe brave 6- soe chargeable a busines so fowle
234 LIFE AND TIMES OF
miscarried, my selfe being an Actor in itt ; the Armie is in
wretched poore condition, for want of health 6^ clothes, and are
much decayed in their numbers; the perticulars I cannot yet
informe your Excie, if, in regard there is not above 2000 come. I
send your Excie here enclosed a list of such shipps as are alreadie
arrived here ; the Admirall is not yett come, neither can we have
any certaine newes of her. But wee suppose shee is driven unto
the Westwardes. I here yor Excie intendes a journey into ffrance ;
I should be gladd to kisse your Excies handes before your departure
yf it maye suite, with his Maties service, and your Excics likinge,
both wch I have, and ever will preferre before any end of my
owne, as becommeth him, that hath vowed never to be any
bodies but
" your Ex065.
" Most dutifull 6° obedient servant,
" W. ST. LEGER.
" Plymouth this igth of
December, I625/'1
Add. " For his Ex*."
End.
" 19 decemb. 1625.
Sr Wm St. Leger to my
Loa."
SIR JAMES BAGG TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" MAY IT PLEASE Yr GRACE,
" I am requested by Sir William St. Leger to make this a
Cover unto his, wch with some speed he desires should come unto
your handes
" I can at present only send a list of the shipps arrived in this
port. I will make by my officers a survey of the victualls re-
maininge, of the state and health of the Marriners, and the
condition of the shipps ; wch done I will make a faithful relation of
it, to your Excie.
"Hadd your Grace his infinite care, in setting foorth, beene
1 S. P. Dom. 1625, xii. No. 18. Holograph signature only.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 235
well repayed by the Active part, by those employed, and victory
and good successe accompanied the ffleetes returne ; then never
had there been an Armye, better manned, armed, victualled, or
clothed. But nowe they will, to preserve their shame, enforce
they have wanted in all. My desire ever to serve your grace,
made me undergoe the heavie loade, 6° troublesome providing
of some victualls, all wch I rest assured were in good condition
putt aboard ; yf your Grace honour your servants so much as to
refuse to hearken to generall complaints, I doubt not, but Mr.
Lieutenant, and my self, will deserve still your favour by freeing
our selfes from any perticular.
" For the Lion, shee hath beene enforced to obey the windes so
as shee is still here, and hath beene of long readie manned, dv
victualled for the sea, But nowe by your grace his command,
given me by the pen of Mr. Secretarie Cooke, I keepe her.
" I have taken in one Captaine Bowser, sometime of Heriotts
Company, he doth cast himself to your graces feete ; what maie be
gained by him is a shipp, 14 peeces of ordnance, being Minion,
and Sacker; I shall according to instructions give a faithful
Accompt. of this. I crave still pardon for my boldnesse, and
prayinge for your grace, and my blessed Lord of Coventrye, I
kisse your hand and rest,
" Your graces humble, 6° bounden servant,
" JAMES BAGG.
" Plymouth the 2oth of
December, 1625. >J1
SIR W. ST. LEGER TO LORD CONWAY.
" RIGHT Hoble,
" My very good Lord, your noble favours promted mee one my
landing to salute yr Lop as a sacrifice of thank fullnes to yr Ho ;
unto whom I am more bound then to all the world besides,
except yr Lo" gratious Patron and my noble Generall ; but I
deferred it until I was able in some measure to Advertis yr Ho.
of the state of the Armie, as well knowing yr Lop to be best able to
1 S. P. Dom. 1625, xii. No. 22.
236 LIFE AND TIMES OF
juge both of them and us. I send your Ho. heere inclosed a list
ofshuch Captyns, andcompanys as are already arrived in Ingland,
others then that be in lerland, of which I shall give yr Lo. an
account uppon there arival; others there are that I feare will
never come. I understand by a letter from the Lords that the
gentillmen of this country have binne sutors unto that Hoble
table, to have part of the troops removed into some other
adjoyning sheers, but, now that they have sinne them, they agree
with us, that it is not well possible to remove them until they
have recovered there streanth, and they be new clothed, for the
state they now stand in is most miserable, they stinke as they
goe, the poore rags they have are rotten, and redy to fall of if
they be touched, neither is it a part of them that is this miserable,
but the desease is Generall, and some of the inferior officers are in
no better a condition to supply thes diffects. My Ld. Treseror
hath sent letters for five thousand pounds, which will not be
reseaved until most of it be due unto the country for there
weekely dyett ; creditt heere is none, nor money to be had upon
any security this towne or Commissioners will give ; therefore I
beseech yr Lo : consider what a poore some 5000" is towards the
clothing and intertayning of an Armie returned from an ille
voyage, the souldiers sicke, and naked, and the officers monyles
and friendles, not able to feede them seallves a weeake ; this I
assure yr Ho. one my credit to be true, which I would intreat
your Lo. to take notis that the bare clothing will come to
15,000".
" Your Lop doth expect that the troops should be exercised
diligently, of which wee shallbe carfull to see donne as sonne as
the men are clothed, and there armes repayred, which will aske
some tyme and cost more then the Captayns will ever be able to
pay out of 1 8s a weeke (I meane for the repayring of there armes),
at which entertaynment I find few of the Low Country officers will
stay, unless the Armie be settled upon the ould footte. It is
likewise expected they should watch, which I hould wonderfull
necessary, that thereby in a short tyme they may learne what
they are now ignorant of, but then yr Lo, may be pleased to take
shuch order that the country provide them courts of gard or
housses, with some proportion of Fyer for this wintter tyme,
which I feare they will be hardly drawne unto ; yett I shall use
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 237
my uttermost indevour to gayne from the country what I may
for the advantage of this service as my duty binds mee. One
thing more I will tender to yr Lo" consideration, that unles the
souldier may have his weekely lendings him seallfe, whereby hee
may learne to live one a littil, and by that means draw up there
large panches from those full mealls they now have, they will
never be souldiers, nor fitt to do his maty sends, all which I submitt
to yr Lo8 better jugment, and I shall most willingly and cheerfully
execute yr Lo8 commands as one that vous [vows] to bee, whiles
hee lives,
" Your Lord8
" Umble and obedient servant, redy
" to be commanded,
"W. ST. LEGER.
" Plimmouth this 29
ofDesember, I625,1
Unaddressed.
End.
"December 20, 1625.
Sr. William St. Leger,
concerninge the souldiers at
Plimouth."
" Extracte out of a Ire of the 3rd of Jan., written to Sr Dudley
Carleton from Sr E [dward] H [arwood] fro Plimouth. [Dom.
S. P. Chas. I. xviii. No. 8]."
" That one half of the Fleete is arrived in England, most at
Plymouth and Dartmouth, and some in divers other Parts, and a
good part in Irelande. They misse 18 sayle of wch they heare
nothinge, but some more of them are in ill case if not east away.
Two of the Kings shipps missing, the St. George, wherein is the
lo. Delaware, of her they hope well, but of the other wch is the
Constant Reformation they dovvbt much, for when shee was last
scene shee had spent both her masts.
" That my lo. wimbleton is in Ireland, at Kinsale.
" That the Army is much weakened, and those that are left all
S. P. Dom. 1625, xii. No. 81.
238 LIFE AND TIMES OF
or great part of them sicke, and so miserably poore as it is a
greefe to see, &c.
" That the k. hath given order to cloath all the soldiers, but
there is no money assigned ether to feede or cloth them, but 5000"
wch should rise out of the Privie Scales of Devon and Cornwall,
wch will not bee presentlie had.
" That they have buried 3 or 4 Capt. since they came, but none
of them had money to bury themselves, but what was procured by
their friends.
" That the most part of the Fleete is in ill case, scarce a shipp
that hath not some maine defect or other, and all generallie want
mariners ; few have sufficient to trime the sayles. That the sickness
is no lesse amongst the sea men then amongst the land men.
" That he heareth my lo. of Valencia is safely arrived in Ireland,
but nothing of the rest wch are missing ; they feare some wracke on
the coasts both of Ireland, France, and our owne."
End.
"Januarie, 3, 1625.
Sr. Edward Horwood,
to S. Dudley Carleton."
SIR JOHN BURROUGHS TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR GRACE.
" From S1 Willyam S* leger I understand it is your pleasure the
collonells should advertise you when my compaygnie is vacant,
because your grace reserves the disposing thereof in your own
handes.
" Capetayn Groves late deth gives mee occasion of this letter, to
whose place Sr Charles Vavesor is an humble sutor that you
would admit him. I am bould to mention his sute, because in this
jorney hee put himself under my comand, and I hope will nether
bee unfit nor ungrateful to you.
" The ill succes of this journey makes us so ashamed that, for
my part, I am afrayde to appeare to yow but in paper, and, I am
sensible that my reputation must be blemished amidst the throng,
yet comforted that your grace is so wise and just as to aske
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 239
account of every mans part, and, where yow find most faults there
to lay most censure, and then I hope if others find pardon I may
be included.
" The Compaygnies of my regiment lying dispersed and, through
thayre weakness and wants, for the present unfit for Excercise,
wch makes me think I am useles here, and, my perticular wthall
makes mee humbly intreat your graces leve for my absence. Wth
my prayers for your happines, I am,
" Your graces fathfull
" and ever humble servant,
" Jo. BURGH.
" Plimouth 8 of
Januari, 1625." 1
Add.
" To the duke of
Buckingham his grace,
these."
End.
" R: 30 Jan. 1625.
Sr Jo. Burrowes for Sr Ch.
Vaversell to succeed Capt :
Groove ; for leave to come to
London
&c."
SIR W. S* LEGER to LORD CONWAY.
"RIGHT HoNble
" My verie good Lord. As long as it shall please my Generall
to continue me heere, I must still put yor honnor in mind of all
such things as to my Judgment maie advantadge this service, and
make these men usefull for his Matiea service. I am bould to
addresse my lines unto yor honnor rather than unto any other,
because I knowe yor honnor is best able to Judge what service
can be expected from unexperienced men, that knowe not their
Officers nor howe to live of a little, much lesse to use their Armes,
1 S. P. Dom. 1626, xviii. No. 27.
240 LIFE AND TIMES OF
6° untill such a course be taken, as that those things male be
redressd, in my poor Judgmente the chardge of keepinge these
men together were better spar'd than spente, for if they continue
this course that they are in, they will never be better than newe
preste men, in regeard they live at much more ease, and are more
plentifully fedd wth their 3 meales a day than if they were at
home, and this cannot be prevented by all the care and paines
that I can take, unlesse that there be some course taken by yor
honnor, that the Armie maie be paied before hand, whereby the
soldiers maie learne [to] live of their meanes, the Captn enabled
to redeeme their Armes that nowe lye in pawne for the repaireinge,
and the soldiers cloathed that now lies a bedd for wante of them.
I confesse wee have receaved order from yor lopp8 to contracte
and agree for cloathinge wth some propercon of money, but
nothinge aunswe arable to soe greate a chardge, for wtbout present
moneys the service is not to be performed, and wthall I doe much
apprehend that the materialls are not to be hadd in these countryes,
although I am assured the Contrary by some of my fellowe com™
who doe hope to reape some benefitt by the furnishinge of them ;
but sure I am that we have beene these 3 weeks a contracting for
2,000 suits, although wee have written to all the Markett Townes
in Devon and Cornwall, to give them notice of the contracte that
wee hadd sente unto yor honno™, and when wee have done all wee
can, I feere wee must be supplied from London, but this my
fellowe comrs will not be drawne to certifie, and, in the meane
time this Armie lies as a dead stocke upon his Matics hand. Wee
have likewise receaved order from yor honnor and the rest to
increase the soldiers weekely lendings unto 3 shillings, wherein I
thinke yor honnor8 have done a noble and a greate woorcke, wch
will soe encouradge men to serve his Matle that if they were well
paid, his Matie should never need to presse more, but, as it is nowe,
the cuntry is the better for it, but the soldier nothinge, for hee
was but too well fedd before ; but I heere that they do expresse
a greate deale of unwillingnes to serve fore haulfe a crowne in
victualls, wthout hope of ever seeing one penny of money. I must
still continue my humble suite unto yor honnor that I maie be
enabled to lie here in the quallitie my Generall and yor honno"
favour hath putt me into, wch hitherto I have done upon my owne
poore fortune. And, in the second place, I do humbly begg that I
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 241
be not forc'd when I would lysence our officers, or a soldier
either, for his Maties service, or their own particulars, to have Mr.
Mayor, and his Towne Clercke to sign a for lief [furlough] wth
me, at wch I did never repine as longe as the CoeUs were here, but
nowe Sr Edward Harwood is gone, and CoeU Burgh wilbe gone wthin
these 2 or 3 daies, the officers doe somewhat repine at the Towne
Clercks Jurisdiction ; it was not soe in Sr John Ogles times, and if
yor honnor shall in yor wisedome thincke it fitt to truste me so
farr, I will engage the woord of an honest man yow shall not have
cause to repent it, but, if it be otherwise resolved of, I beeseech
yor honno1 that I maie (wth the reservacon of my Generall and
yor honno™ favour) have the same libtie that the rest of my
fellowes have taken to themselves, for I should be verie gladd to
see my poore familye if it were but for 14 daies, for wch both they
and I shall receave as a spetiall favour from yor honnor, and ever
rest,
" Yor honno™,
" humble and faithfull servaunte,
" W. S4 LEGER.
" Plimouth the 28th
Of January 1625." l
Unaddressed.
End.
" Januarie 28, 1625,
Sr William S* Leger
concerninge the pay and
cloathinge the Souldiers.
That his owne meanes may
bee made answerable to his
Imployment. That hee
may have an authoritie
above the Towne Clerke, &c."
1 S. P. Dom. 1626. xix. No. 66.
VOL. II.
242 LIFE AND TIMES OF
CHAPTER VI.
1626-1628.
" My deeds on seas, in countrey, court, and cittie,
Shalbe unto their songe the final dittie.
On seas from first to last they'le descant on
The honour in Argyiers voyage wonne :
When as stout Mansfield by my stronger hand
Was made returne again into this land ; l
Which did more hurt unto the English nation
Then since the fabrike of the world's creation ;
For then the Turks made havoke of our men
And shipps, and none would spare ; which proved then
A disadvantage to our kingdom ; next
That to Cales, when as proud CECILL vext,
When Essex for his life was forc'd to fly,
Or else at Cales great gate most basely die.
********
A navie was prepar'de and richly mann'de,
Where Neptune's angrie waves being past, we land
At Martin's Hand ; where landing, march, intrench,
Assault, retreate our men were faine : revenge
Then came too late : the best commander's gone
And many brave soldiers lying tread upon :
Together with shipping off our men ; even all
Doth make me call'de a treacherous general." a
THE winter was well-nigh spent before H.M.S. Anne
Royal, with Sir Edward Cecil and Sir Thomas Love on
board, arrived in the Downs from Ireland.
1 " Refers to Sir Robert Mansell's expedition against the Algerine pirates in
1621, when he had orders "not to risk his ships," hence he did less than
nothing."
2 Part of A Dialogue between the Duke and Dr. Lambe. See Poem relating
to George Villiers Duke of Buckingham, published by the Percy Society in
1862, 29, No. 90.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 243
The reason for the commander-in-chief s tardy arrival in
England is fully explained by him in a letter to Sir John
Coke, written from the Downs on February 27.
" I cannot but give you a tast," wrote Cecil to the Secretary at
War, " how unfortunate we have been in this winter journey, with
the Anne-Royall .... and if I had had a good and strong
shipp to have kept the seas, the fleete had not quitted me, as
most of them did, when we bore homeward, neither hadd I scene
Ireland, where I have beene blockt up so long, by reason of the
leakes of my shipp, that brought into Kinsale above 6 foote of
water in her hold, scarce having had 15 sound men in a watch,
to pompe and handle her sayles and her foreyard spent. We
stayed in the harbour of Kinsale 7 weekes, and the wind
comming to the north west, we put out to sea, but the wind
serving but 15 houres, returned to her old corner, which was
south east, with some foule weather that beate so much to the
westwarde, that had we not recovered Bears Haven [Bearhaven],
God knowes whether we had beene driven and (our shipp being
so leakie), what had become of us. After 3 weekes we put againe
to sea, and by a contrarie wind was beaten into Crooke Haven, so
that we have surveyed most of the south coast of Ireland. Here
we stayed until the XXVIIIth, at which time the no : no : west, we
put to sea the third time.
" Thus you see how ill fortune hath haunted us. But that
which troubleth me most is to have so many come home before
me, in so unfortunate a journey, when there are so many mouths
open to do ill offices and untruth hath most creditt, and maketh
most impression at the first." l
Sir Edward Cecil arrived in London on March 2nd,2
having left Sir Thomas Lowe in command of the Anne
Royal at Deal. Before leaving his ship, Cecil expressed
his sense of Captain Love's good services in despatches to
1 Cecil to Coke (Melbourne MSS.) published by the Editor of Glanville's
Journal. — See Introduction, pp. xliii-iv.
2 ? to Rev. J. Mead, 3 March. — Court and Times, i. p. 84.
R 2
244 LIFE AND TIMES OF
the Duke of Buckingham and Sir John Coke. To the
latter Cecil wrote as follows about his trusty sea adviser : —
" If I should not commend him for his care, Industrie and
sumciencie for his Mats profitt and honour, I should do his Matie
and my conscience much wrong ; besides he has plaid the Captn,
Mr, and all other officers in the shipp wherein I have been ....
and, by his experience and skill, I have learned to do his Matie
the more service, and to assist him, for we have had few to
help us." 1
Upon his arrival in England, Cecil appears to have at
once taken up the title of Viscount Wimbledon, which had
in reality been conferred upon him in the previous
November, and his letters from henceforth were signed
Wimbledon? If this title was ill-deserved it had at all
events been worked for, and had cost months of un-
remitting toil and anxiety. It may therefore compare
favourably with many of the titles bestowed in the first
quarter of the seventeenth century which had cost no
display of pluck, no season, however short, of toil and
anxiety. It is a melancholy and unpalatable truth that
few of the long roll of Barons, Viscounts, and Earls, created
by James L, were more deserving of their easily-acquired
honours than the soldier whom Charles L, in sanguine
expectation of his success, raised to the peerage.
Several very notable events had occurred in the early
days of 1626. Charles I. had been crowned King of
England on February 2nd, and he had been crowned
alone. Henrietta Maria, feeling herself wronged by her
1 Cecil to Coke. See Introduction to Glanville's Journal, p. xxxix. Sir
Thomas Love was made captain of Sandown Castle, Kent, in May 1626, vice
Sir Charles Glemham, deceased. Privy Seals, Charles I, 7-12 May. He died
in Fenchurch parish April 12, 1627, after a fever and ague which brought on
" scurvy, dropsy, jaundice, and cough of the lungs." He was buried privately
in the choir of Fenchurch Church. — Court and Times, i. p. 213.
2 See Cecil's letter to the Duke in S. P. Dom. dated March 15, 1626.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 245
husband's intolerance to his Roman Catholic subjects and
his open hostility to the French members of her own
household, refused to take any part in what she considered
a purely Protestant ceremony. The next important event
was the meeting of Parliament on Feb. the 6th. This was
the second Parliament of this reign, and Charles expected
a happy issue out of his many difficulties by the implicit
obedience of the new members. The opening of Parliament
was attended by a bad omen. The Queen had been
prevailed on by her husband to witness the procession
from a balcony in Whitehall Palace. At the last moment
she refused to go. The King, unable to make her comply
with his wishes, had to send for Buckingham to use his
influence. The favourite might not have met with better
success had not the French ambassador advised her to
submit, and accordingly she obeyed. Charles was
deeply mortified at others being successful in a matter
wherein he had failed. He was soon to discover that in
some things his subjects were even more refractory than
his wife.
The House of Commons met with a fixed resolution to
strike at the root of the grievances which were sapping the
life and strength out of a once rich and powerful nation.
If the affairs of the kingdom had been in a bad state when
the last Parliament had refused to grant the King necessary
supplies, before their grievances had been debated and
redressed, they were in a still worse state on the meeting
of the new Parliament. The lamentable failure of the
Cadiz expedition and the miserable state of the troops at
Plymouth, called aloud for public enquiry. The past
winter had brought many fresh causes for public com-
plaint, one of which was Buckingham's unconstitutional
attempt to pawn the crown jewels in Amsterdam, in order
to enable his master to carry out some of the political
246 LIFE AND TIMES OF
engagements he had entered into without the consent of
Parliament. But before attacking the crooked foreign
policy of the Government, the Commons determined to
attack the man whom they considered to be the cause of
all the late national misfortunes. They only wanted an
able leader to direct the attack, and the majority of the
House would support him. An able leader soon declared
himself. This was Sir John Eliot, — orator, statesman, and
patriot.
As vice-admiral of Devon, Eliot had been an eye-
witness of the setting forth, and of the return of the late
great fleet. His patriotic spirit had been deeply wounded
by the loss of honour which England had sustained in the
late, as well as in former expeditions. His long standing
acquaintance, and even friendship, with the Duke of
Buckingham had made him loth to turn on his powerful
friend, and denounce him as the author of the late national
calamities. But the state of the country, and the lamen-
tations of thousands of his countrymen, demanded a speedy
investigation and a speedy remedy. The past could not
be undone, but precautions might be taken to avert fresh
disasters. At the very commencement of the session,
Eliot, in a long and powerful speech desired that there
might be account given for all monies supplied since 1623,
laying to the mismanagement of affairs the loss of
thousands of men's lives, in the late expeditions by land
and sea.1
Having stirred the hearts of his hearers by the boldness
with which he demanded an account of expenditure before
granting the King fresh subsidies, this noble patriot alluded
to the disgrace that had fallen on their arms, and, in a few
1 Forster's Sir jf. Eliot, i. p. 479, note.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 247
memorable words, pointed out, but without directly naming,
the author of their shame.
" Sir," he cried, addressing the Speaker, " I beseech you cast
your eyes about ! View the state we are in ! Consider the loss
we have received ! Weigh the wrecked and ruined honour of our
nation ! . . . Search the preparation. Examine the going forth.
Let your wisdoms travel through the whole action, to discern the
fault, to know the faulty Is the reputation and glory of
our nation of a small value ? Are the walls and bulwarks of our
nation of no esteem ? Are the numberless lives of our lost men
not to be regarded ? I know it cannot so harbour in an English
thought. Our honour is ruined, our ships are sunk, our men
perished ; not by the sword, not by the enemy, not by chance,
but, as the strongest predictions had discerned and made it
apparent beforehand, by those we trust." x
The immediate effect of Sir John Eliot's speech was to
cause the Commons to demand from the Councillors of
War an exact account of how the subsidies, given in 1624
for certain special purposes, had been expended, and also
as to what advice each councillor had given about the
disposal of the same subsidies. This enquiry was merely
the preliminary step to an attack by the Commons against
Buckingham. Eliot's speech had paved the way for less
brave spirits to openly attack the royal favourite, and the
House hoped to strengthen their case against him by the
revelations of the Councillors of War. But it was no easy
matter to make the Councillors reveal the secrets of their
board, and it was a still less easy matter to drag the
powerful Duke from his high estate. That Sir John Eliot
considered Buckingham entirely to blame for the mis-
carriage of the Cadiz expedition, is proved by the
following scathing words which he delivered before the
1 Forster's Sir y. Eliot, i. pp. 486-7.
LIFE AND TIMES OF
Commons on March 27, the anniversary of the King's
accession.
" Now these great designs we know were undertaken, if not
planned and made, by that great lord the Duke of Buckingham.
He assumed the name of general ; he drew to himself the power
and sole command of all things, both for sea and land ; never-
theless you know he went not in action .... he thought it
sufficient to put in his deputy, and stay at home." l
It is only fair to the memory of the Duke's substitute in
the Cadiz expedition to give a character of Lord Wimble-
don from the pen of Sir John Eliot himself, before referring
to the charges brought against this lord by some of his late
officers : —
"This substitute was Sr. Edward Cecil, brother to the then
Earl of Exeter, a man whom yeares and experience might have
spar'd for better purposes and imploiments. His whole time and
studie had been spent upon the warrs. He then retain'd in the
service of the States the command of a regiment of ffoote. His
respect with them for the qualitie of his blood, was no detraction
to his meritt. His carriage and deportment were not ill ; his
presence good ; his conversation full of affabilitie and courtship ;
and in his affection ther was doubted nothing that was corrupt.
Facility was the greatest prejudice he was subject to, which
rendered him credulous and open to those that were artificiall and
obscure. Whereby he became exposed, and subservient to their
wills, and was drawne to tread those paths which themselves
refus'd to walk in." 2
On March 6, Lord Wimbledon was summoned before
the Lords of the Council to answer certain charges brought
against him by Lord Essex and nine other commanders in
the late expedition to Cadiz. A contemporary letter-
writer gives the following short account of what transpired
at this court of enquiry, as it may be termed : —
1 Forster's Sir y. Eliot, i. p. 518. * Ibid., p. 449.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 249
" On Monday afternoon Viscount Wimbledon and the colonels
of the army, came before the Lords of the Council,, where the
viscount to his much prejudice and disadvantage fell into a
passion, saying that never man was abused as he ; that before his
going, and since his return, there had been made libels and
ballads to his disgrace, l and that some had wished before departure
that the voyage might rather not prosper than he should have the
honour of it. Whereupon my Lord Essex asked him whether
he were the man that had made such wishes against him, and so
Colonel Burrows and the rest in order did the like, saving only
Sir W. Leger and Sir George Blundell, who, of all the rest, did only
adhere unto him." 2
Wimbledon had a hot week of it. He not only had to
defend himself against grave charges of mismanagement in
his late command at sea, but he had, as a councillor of
war,3 to withstand the searching investigation which the
House of Commons had determined to make him and his
fellow-councillors undergo.
1 Verses on the expedition to Cadiz : —
" There was a crow sat on a stone ;
He flew away and there was none.
There was a man that ran a race ;
When he ran fast he ran apace.
There was a maid that ate an apple ;
When she ate two she ate a couple.
There was an ape sat on a tree ;
When he fell down, down fell he.
There was a fleet that went to Spain ;
When it returned, it came again."
See Court and Times of Charles /., i. p. 118. The above verses are given
by Disraeli in his Curiosities of Literature.
Chamberlain mentions in a letter to Sir Dudley Carleton, Jan. 19, 1626,
that the sailors styled their general "Viscount SitstiZl!"-— Court and Times,
i. p. 72. This was a good pun on the name of Cecil, but an unjust description
of an energetic general.
2 Dr. Meddus to Rev. J. Mead, March 10, 1626. — Court and Times, i. p. 87.
3 A new Council of War, of which Cecil was one, had been appointed
in April, 1625.
250 LIFE AND TIMES OF
" On Tuesday morning [March 7], the Council of War presented
themselves before the House of Commons," wrote a well known
letter writer of that period, "where being demanded whether they
had issued the moneys according to the order in the statute, their
answer was, that they were not bound to give the House of
Commons an account of what they had done On
Wednesday morning, the lawyers of the House discussed the
question whether the council of war were bound by the statute to
give an account of their proceedings to the House of Commons,
and concluded that the council of war was bound to do it
On Thursday morning, the Commons propounded a new question
to the same council ; namely, whether in this last action at sea,
and formerly also, their counsels, about the issuing of money
had been put in execution, and examined every one of them
apart. My Lord Grandison's answer was he was not bound to
give an answer. Sir John Ogle required more time to give his
answer, and so did the Earl of Totnes. Whereupon Saturday is
set down as a peremptory day for them all. My Lord Conway
and Sir Thomas Batten [Button] being sick, a comittee is sent to
each to examine them. Sir Horatio Vere, Baron Tilbury, is freed
from all question by the House in respect of his absence, and the
Lord Brooke by reason of his eye (sic) and impotency. But when
this question is done, the Commons have five more questions in
readiness in the Speaker's hand for the same Council of War to
answer. My Lord Wimbledon was not as yet questioned by them
but will be to-day." l
The Councillors of War were placed in a very awkward
position by the pertinacity of the House to get to the
bottom of all that had received the sanction of their board.
If the councillors refused to answer, they delayed, perhaps
even prevented, the grant of money for which the King was
in such sore need. If, on the other hand, they laid bare
their counsels to their merciless inquisitors, they would
probably implicate both themselves and the government
In this dilemma, Charles came to their rescue. He sent
1 Dr. Meddus to Mead, March 10.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 251
Lord Conway a form of answer on March 10, with direc-
tions that he and all the other councillors were to give this
answer to the House when summoned to give their final
answer. In consequence of this command, the Councillors
of War sent the following answer to the Commons on
March 1 1 : —
" Wee have endeavoured to give all possible satisfaction to this
honourable house, touching the question you have been pleased
to propound unto us. And, taking into our consideration the
dutie we owe as counsellors of the warre unto his Matie, and the
due respect we have unto this house, in discharge thereof we have
humbly besought his Matie'8 pleasure therein, whoe hath bin gra-
tiously pleased thus to direct us.
" His Matie hath given us leave to give an accompt of or
warrants to the Treasury, for the disbursement of the subsidies
last given in the time of his Royall father, which is clearely
warranted by the Act of Parliament. But, concerning or coun-
sells and the following thereof, his Matie hath directly forbidden
us to give any accompt, as being against his service to divulge
those secretts, and expresly against our oath as counsellors of
warr." »
This decisive answer obliged the Commons to desist from
their enquiry.
Some of the principal charges brought against Lord
Wimbledon by certain of his officers have already been
referred to, and, as it would be impossible to go into them
thoroughly and give his lordship's lengthy answer, both
the accusation and defence must be omitted. The charges
were made and superscribed by the Earl of Essex, Sir
Charles Rick, Sir Edward Harwood, Lord Valentia, Sir
Edward Conway, Sir John , Burgh, Lord Cromwell, Sir
Michael Gore (sic), Sir John Watts, and Sir John Chud-
1 S. P. Dom. — Chas. I. xxiii. No. 58 ; Coke to Conway, sending amended
foim of answer, March 10, xxii. 57, 60.
252 LIFE AND TIMES OF
leigh.1 Of these ten officers, Colonels Burroughs and Har-
wood were the only two who had been regularly brought up
in the military profession. Lord Essex had accompanied Sir
Horace Vere to the Palatinate in 1620, but he did not stay
long enough there to see any active service. He saw the
enemy once, but never drew sword against him.2 Essex
had been under Wimbledon's command in the winter
campaign of 1624-5, when the latter had command of the
British troops at Waelwick.
" The Earl of Essex and he," says the biographer of the former,
in speaking of Wimbledon, " were great friends, and therefore the
king sent for the Earl, and prevailed upon him to go the voyage
in quality of Vice- Admiral." 3
Essex, like his unhappy father, could ill brook control,4
and he wanted the experience which another ten years of
campaigning would, and did, give him.
" His complaints," says an able and impartial modern writer, in
referring to Lord Essex, "had begun before the expedition
sailed." 5
This same writer goes on to say : —
" Poor Wimbledon's was a hard case ; for though, as general,
he had all the responsibility for capacity, or otherwise, in those he
commanded, Buckingham, as generalissimo, had made patronage
of all the appointments." 6
1 The charges against Lord Wimbledon and his reply thereto, are published
at the end of vol. iii. of Works in Verse and Prose, by George Granville,
Lord Lansdowne. (Edit. 1736, 12°).
2 Dr. Gardiner's Hist, of England, iii. p. 388, note.
3 Biographia Britannica, Art., Robert Devereux, 3rd Earl of Essex.
4 Lord Essex refused to serve under General Sir Charles Morgan in
Germany. "My Lord of Essex, I am told," wrote Dudley Carleton, junior,
to Lord Conway, " will leave his regiment rather than be commanded by any
English general, or other less than the King of Denmark." Nov. 18, 1626.
—S. P, Holland,
* Forster's Life of Sir J, Eliot, i. p. 457. • Ibid,, 457, note.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 253
Chief among those who took no part in the accusation of
their general, were Sir William St. Leger,1 Sir George
Blundell, and Sir Richard Greenville.2 The last-named
officer was a born soldier, and played a conspicuous part in
the civil wars which were soon to rend England in twain.
" He commanded a company of foot," says Greenville's biog-
rapher, " in that body of land troops employed in the expedition
against Cadiz under the Lord Viscount Wimbledon. In this
disastrous enterprise he was a diligent observer, and was very far
from having any share in that remonstrance made against the
Commander-in-chief. Captain Greenvile was, from the beginning,
a lover of discipline, and could not endure to see men raised to
command by their experience run down by such as having a
prejudice to their persons, tortured their capacities to find
objection to their conduct." 3
It has been supposed that Sir Richard Greenville helped
Lord Wimbledon with his written answer to the charges
made against him by the colonels4 ; but there is no con-
clusive proof that such was the case. The vindication was
certainly an able one, and Lord Wimbledon himself says
at the end of it that he had only two days to make it in,
while his adversaries had fourteen days to compound
theirs.6 Some of the home-thrusts in this . " answer " are
very like Edward Cecil's style, for instance : — " No man is
born a soldier, though a man may be too soon after he is
born a colonel." 6
1 Sir W. St. Leger was made President of Munster in 1627 and in 1639
was appointed Serjeant-Major-General of the army in Ireland. He died in
1642.
3 Brother to Sir Bevil Greenville. He was born in 1600 and at eighteen
entered the service of the States. Served also in the Palatinate and in the
expeditions to Cadiz and the Island of Rhe. In the Civil Wars he was
appointed general of the Royal forces in the West. He died at Ghent some
years before the Restoration.
3 Biog. Brit. Art. Richard Greenvile. * Ibid.
* See the end of Wimbledon's Answer. « Ibid.
254 LIFE AND TIMES OF
On March 15, Wimbledon wrote to his patron, the Duke
of Buckingham, from his house at Wimbledon, praying
that the Duke would allow him a fair hearing, and not be
prejudiced by what had already been told him.
"Therefore my suit to yr Excie, is that you will do me the
favour to forgett all that hath been tould you," wrote Wimbledon
to the duke, " and begin to see how thinges wilbe proved now
that I am present. And although it be but a Justice of the
Peace his rule yet (if it may please yr Excie) it is a just and
good one." l
With all his faults, and they were many, Buckingham
was a staunch friend.
" His kindness and affection to his friends was so vehement,"
says Lord Clarendon in his character of this great nobleman,
" that they were as so many marriages for better and worse, and
so many leagues offensive and defensive ; as if he thought himself
obliged to love all his friends, and to make war on all they were
angry with, let the cause be what it would." 2
Wimbledon had every right to have his cause upheld by
the Duke, as he had, against his better judgment, accepted
the command and responsibility which of right belonged to
the Duke himself. Knowing and feeling this, Buckingham
stood by his deputy in this his hour of need, and silenced
Wimbledon's accusers.
" Would you believe that the general of our late fleet," wrote
a London correspondent to a friend, " hath gotten the better of
all the colonels and sea captains, about the miscarriage of the
fleet? It is true, and yesterday (April 6th), at the Council table
it was so adjudged. Wonder not, the great duke bore him out and
all stood mum ; and the fault is laid upon old Captain Gore,3 the
1 Wimbledon to Buckingham, March 15, 1626.— S. P. Dom.
2 Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, i. p. 32 (edit. 1706, Oxford).
3 Sir Michael Geere, or more probably Gayer.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 255
only man who behaved himself well, and an old captain of the
queen's." l
Something more was wanted than an enquiry into the
conduct of the commander-in-chief of an expedition which,
except a miracle had taken place, could not possibly have
been successful.2 The victuallers of the fleet, and the dock-
yard officials, were more deserving of censure and punish-
ment than the commander of the fleet, yet they escaped
even the slight enquiry to which Lord Wimbledon was
subjected, and the lessons taught by the miscarriage of the
Cadiz expedition remained unlearnt. The Lord High-
Admiral of England and his master had not yet learnt by
simple experience that a soldier is not a fitting person to
send to sea in supreme command of a fleet,3 and that
thousands of men pressed against their will and sent to sea
do not constitute an army. Later generations were to
learn these simple truths, but not before the naval power of
Great Britain had well-nigh been extinguished. The
failure of the Cadiz expedition must have been a bitter
disappointment to Charles I. For two months after his
return, Wimbledon was refused access to the King, which
hurt his proud spirit more than the accusations brought
against him by some of his officers. On April 28th,
Wimbledon wrote to the Duke of Buckingham, complaining
bitterly of his being denied access to his Majesty when last
1 From an extract of a letter quoted by the Rev. J. Mead in a letter to Sir
M. Stuteville, April 15. — See Court and Times, i. pp. 95-6.
2 Dr. Gardiner's Hist, of England, vi. p. 23.
3 How very different was the conduct of Sir Edward Hawke as regarded
the command of a single ship belonging to the Royal Navy. When it was pro-
posed to give the command of one of his Majestie's ships to Captain Cook the
navigator, Hawke, then at the head of the navy board, said that his conscience
would not allow him to trust any ship of his Majesty's to a peison who had
not been regularly bred a sailor. — Life of Captain Cook, by Dr. Kippis, p. 1 2.
256 LIFE AND TIMES OF
at Whitehall, and wishing to know the reason of it.1 This
letter, and one written soon after by Wimbledon to his
noble patron complaining that the Lords of the Privy
Council had granted leave to Lord Essex and the colonels
to accuse him anew, and begging the Duke to uphold him
and not let his enemies ruin him,2 appear in that wonder-
ful book of revelations of affairs of state in the i6th and
i /th centuries — Cabala. These two letters convey a false
impression of Wimbledon's real character. They are couched
in a fawning, cringing style, very unworthy of a soldier or
man of birth. They outwardly lower the writer to the
position held by Sir James Bagg, who generally signed
his letters to Buckingham, "your humble slave." . But
whereas Bagg was, to all intents and purposes, the Duke's
"humble slave," Wimbledon was only the Duke's
" creature," by a profession of subservience put on to gain
his own ends. What would appear repulsive to us was, in
old days, the mere hyperbole of expression. Wimbledon
might call himself the Duke's " servant and creature " to
please a man to whom flattery and the worship of others
were meat and drink, but his abject humility ended there.
The man who could pass high words with the fire-eating
warrior Maurice of Nassau, on a mere question of prece-
dence,3 was not likely to let even the haughty Buckingham
take liberties with him. Wimbledon had seen Lord
Conway rise to power and greatness by flattering the Duke
as none had flattered him before, and he attached himself
to the royal favourite from the very first with similar views.
It cannot be said this conduct was creditable to Conway, or
the disciples of his school, but it was characteristic of
soldiers of fortune. We find that bold and adventurous
1 Wimbledon to Buckingham, Cabala (edit. 1655), p. 405.
2 Ibid., p. 406.
3 Carleton to ? Oct. 30, 1620.— S. P. Holland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 257
nobleman, Thomas Lord Cromwell, expressing himself just
as subserviently to Buckingham as ever Wimbledon did.
" I will not dispair of yor favour," wrote Lord Cromwell to the
Duke on one occasion, " or that you will not give me som tast of yt,
as well as to any other. I will study to be a deserving creature." 1
Many instances could be given of the highest and
noblest in England, bowing down in abject reverence
before this great duke, whose more than kingly power can
hardly be fully realised in these days.
" I considered him to be," wrote Sir Henry Wotton of the
Duke in 1623, "that which few or none had been before in all
ages ; no less favourite I mean to the People than to the King." 2
Certain it is that the Duke had a way of attaching people
to him, and the protestations of affection he received were
not all hollow and false. " I was always (as much as lay in
me) desirous to outstrip rather than come short of any
in doing you service," wrote the gallant and true-hearted
Henry de Vere, Earl of Oxford, to the Duke in 1623, from
his prison in the Tower.3 And if Wimbledon really was
something more than grateful to the man who had trusted
his honour to him, and who had stood by him when his
enemies rushed open mouthed upon him, it is not to be
wondered at, though it .is to be lamented, his gratitude
made him outwardly debase himself in his anxiety to
flatter the amour propre of his patron.
On May 3rd, a new council of war, of which both
Buckingham and Wimbledon were made members, was
formed, and on May 4th Lord Wimbledon took his seat in
the House of Lords as a Peer of England. The Journals
of this House thus record this event : —
1 Cabala (edit. 1654), i. p. 263.
2 Reliquia Wottoniance, ii. p. 553.
3 Cabala (edit. 1655), p. 335.
VOL. II.
258 LIFE AND TIMES OF
" Hodie, Edward Lord Viscount Wimbledon was brought into
the Parliament in his Robes, between the Earl of Exeter and the
Lord Viscount Mannsfield,1 Garter going before, and placed next
to the Lord Viscount Say and Seale.2
"Memo. — He delivered to the Lord Keeper the Patent3 of his
creation, which bears date at Reading, nono die Novembris, anno
primo Caroli Regis." 4
While the Commons were busy preparing their case
against the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Bristol
was attacking the favourite in the House of Lords.
Through Buckingham's influence, with the late and the
present king, Bristol had been, since his return from Spain
in 1624, virtually a prisoner at his country house, and was
prohibited from taking his seat in the House of Peers.
When his first Parliament was summoned, Charles ordered
that no writ should be sent to Lord Bristol. This noble-
man, on the meeting of the second Parliament, petitioned
1 William Cavendish, only son of Sir Charles Cavendish of Welbeck Abbey,
Notts, was created Viscount Mansfield in 1620 and subsequently Earl, Mar-
quis, and Duke of Newcastle. He was one of the ablest cavalry generals of
his time and suffered much in his royal master's service.
* William Fiennes, second Baron Saye and Sele (under the new patent),
was created a Viscount July 7, 1624.
3 The Patent contains these two clauses : — " Sciatis itaq qd Nos de gra nra
sp'iali ac ex certa scientia et mero motu nris prfatu Edru Cecyll Milit' ac statu
gradu dignitatem et honor' Baron Cecyll de Putney in Com' n'ro Surr' ereximus
pfecimus et creavimus, Ipsumq Edru Cecyll Milit' Baron Cecyll de Putney
predict' tenore prsentiu erigimus prficimus et creamus.
" Sciatis insuper qd Nos de ampliori gra nostr' prefat' Edru Cecyll Milit',
Baron Cecyll de Putney predict in Vicecomit Wimbledon de Wimbledon in
pred'co Com' n'ro Surr' ereximus prefecimus et creavimus, Ipsumq Edru
Vicecom Wimbledon predict tenore prsentiu — erigimus prficimus et creamus."
Sign Manual Grants and Warrants. Charles I. i. No. 88. — S. P. Dom.
4 It is a curious fact that several of the authors of Extinct Peerages state that
Sir E. Cecil was created Baron of Putney on Nov. Qth, 1625, and Viscount
Wimbledon, y«/j/25th, 1626. The above extract from the Lords'1 Journals under
date May 4th, 1626, and the Patent itself, prove that both titles were conferred
at the same time. Sir B. Burke, in his latest edition (1883) of his Extinct
Peerage, adheres to the old error. Banks gives the correct date in his
Extinct Peerage.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 259
the House of Lords to obtain for him what was his due as
a peer of the realm. In consequence of this petition a writ
was sent to the Earl, but this mere act of justice was com-
pletely marred by a letter from the Lord Keeper, Coventry,
which accompanied the writ and which commanded Bristol
in the King's name to absent himself from Parliament.
This ill-judged and arbitrary action met with a just reward.
Coventry's letter was laid before the Lords, and their
advice was asked as to how the Earl was to proceed. It
was a question on which grave issues depended. The
rights of their House had been infringed ; and excepting
Buckingham and his own supporters, the peers were all on
the side of their injured fellow-peer. Intuitively knowing
he would be obliged to withdraw his unjust prohibition,
Charles hastened to accuse Bristol of high treason, thus
hoping to save Buckingham from the Earl's accusation,
which was sure to follow his rightful readmission into the
House of Lords. But instead of averting, it only precipi-
tated the Earl's accusation against Buckingham, and, when
impeached by Heath, the Attorney-General, on May I,
before the bar of the House, Bristol, by way of recrimination,
accused the Duke of high treason. The peers decided that
an impartial hearing should be given to Bristol as soon as
the Attorney-General had delivered his charges against the
Earl. Heath's case against Bristol was decidedly weak.
The chief points of it were that the Earl had concurred in
the plan of inducing the Prince, when in Spain, to change
his religion, and, that in his late letter to the House of
Lords he had given the lie to his sovereign by declaring
that the Duke's relation of what had passed in Spain was
false, although Charles had, at the time, vouched for its
truth. Bristol had now the opportunity of vindicating
his character, for which he had so long sought. His answer
to the charges, which was entered on the Journals of the
S 2
26O LIFE AND TIMES OF
House, was full and satisfactory. While clearing himself,
he denounced Buckingham as the cause of the failure of the
Spanish marriage, and of the subsequent war with Spain.
He also made grave charges against the moral, as well as
the political, character of the Duke. Before Buckingham
had time to prepare his answer to Bristol's charges, the
House of Commons, having chosen a Committee of eight
members to deliver certain articles against the Duke, im-
peached him before the Lords.
"The duke's crimes are now transmitted by eight men,"
wrote Sir Simonds D'Ewes to Sir Martin Stuteville. "On
Monday the 8th of this May, spoke Sir Dudley Digges in the
afternoon, comparing the duke to a comet exhaled out of base
and putrid matter. Then followed him, Mr Glanvill,1 Mr
Herbert, Mr Selden, these four spent up the day, the duke
sitting there outfacing his accusers, outbraving his accusations, to
the high indignation of the Commons, who, incensed thereby, are
resolute for his commitment. The Wednesday following spoke
Mr Wandsford, Mr Pym ; and Sir John Eliot made the con-
clusion, recapitulating all." 2
Eliot's speech alone was enough to drag the Duke from
his high position and humble him before both Lords and
Commons, had not Buckingham's royal master come to his
aid. On the morning after Eliot's fiery oration, Charles
sent both Eliot and Digges to the Tower. The Commons
were highly incensed at the imprisonment of the two
members, and refused to proceed to any business till they
should be discharged. In a few days the King was per-
1 After recovering from his serious illness, which had kept him two months
in Ireland, the secretary of the Cadiz expedition returned to London. He
was again elected one of the members for Plymouth in the Parliament of 1626,
and turned the tables on his old enemy the Duke by the active part he took in
the proceedings against him. — Court and Times ; i. p. 103.
2 Court and Times, i. pp. loo-i.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 26 1
suaded to yield, and the two members were released. The
Commons were further incensed against the King by his
obtaining for the Duke, after they had impeached him, the
vacant Chancellorship of Cambridge University, which
they considered as an insult to their House. On June 8,
the Duke delivered his answer in the House of Lords to the
charges made against him by the Commons. On the day
following, the King sent a letter to the Commons desiring
them not to meddle further with his servant and minister
Buckingham, but to proceed with the Subsidy Bill at once,
and pass it in a few days, otherwise he would dissolve
Parliament. But the Commons declined to grant any
subsidies until they had finished their prosecution of
Buckingham. Accordingly, Charles dissolved Parliament
on June 15, and Bristol was at once committed to the
Tower. Once more, therefore, did Buckingham triumph
over his enemies.1
Thrown on his own resources and pressed on all sides
for money, Charles was reduced to selling a large quantity
of his plate to meet a few of his own immediate claims.
His failure to procure a subsidy from Parliament had been
a great disappointment, and a greater was in store for him.
This was the news of the complete defeat, on August 17, of
Christian of Denmark, at Lutter, by the invincible Tilly
A council, at which Charles presided, met to discuss ways
and means. It was decided to send the four new English
regiments in the service of the States, but in the pay of
Great Britain, to the assistance of the King of Denmark.
An application was now made to the City of London for a
loan, but it was refused. In this dilemma, when money
1 The King ordered Buckingham's and Bristol's cases to be tried in the
Court of Star Chamber. This court of course acquitted Buckingham ; and
Bristol's case, after a long delay, was indefinitely postponed for obvious
reasons.
262 LIFE AND TIMES OF
must be had by fair means or foul, somebody suggested to
the King the plan of raising money by a forced loan. The
King and Buckingham grasped at the idea, and to them it
seemed a happy loophole out -of all their difficulties, as well
as a fair means of obtaining money. Every man was to be
assessed the same as in the last subsidy, and commissioners
invested with almost supreme power were appointed to
levy the money. In some parts of England this forced
loan was violently resisted, but enough money was collected
altogether to tide over present necessities. In addition to
this heavy call on his subjects, Charles required the
maritime towns, with the assistance of the adjacent coun-
ties, to arm a certain number of ships. This revival of a
long disused tax created violent discontent. And no
wonder, for the fleets sent forth by Charles to scour the
seas and prey upon his enemies' shipping and seaports,
met with singular ill-success, and lowered, much more than
they raised, the naval power of England. Unmindful of
the lessons taught by the Cadiz expedition, Charles and
Buckingham determined to send forth a fresh fleet in the
summer of 1626, which was to accomplish all that Wimble-
don had failed to do in the previous autumn. As if to
court certain failure, the new fleet was despatched from
Portsmouth in October, and the command given to Lord
Willoughby,1 an experienced soldier. Ill-provisioned, ill-
manned, and badly fitted out, the fleet never reached a
Spanish port, but was driven back from whence it came
without accomplishing anything. Many of the soldiers
and sailors who had served in the Cadiz expedition had
been kept at Plymouth, and Portsmouth, by the King's
orders to go with Lord Willoughby 's fleet. These wretched
. l Sir Robert Bertie, loth Lord Willoughby deEresby, created Earl of Lindsey
in Nov. 1626.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 263
men, who had been kept under martial law,1 had not
been paid for their past services. It would appear from
the two following entries in the diary of a worthy Devonian,
who was a sorrowful eye-witness of the misery caused by
this injustice, that, even after the return of Lord Willough-
by's fleet, the soldiers and mariners were not paid : —
" About the end of November, 1626, there came a company of
250 mariners to London to demand pay for their service, being
kept under press for the King's ships, and assaulted the Lord
Treasurer's house, but, after he acquainted the council thereof, they
had their pay and were sent back again." 2
And three months later the same writer records that : —
" The mariners which were pressed for Cadiz, and others
retained in the King's ships, for that they never received their pay,
came in troops to London at divers several times, and threatened
the Duke of Buckingham, and once they made an attempt against
his gate to pull it down, but at last were pacified, and had their
pay out of the loan of the subsidy money and discharged." 3
Meanwhile Lord Wimbledon had regained the favour
of the King and favourite. His brother-in-law, Sir Nicholas
Tufton, was at this time desirous of becoming a peer of
England, and was willing to pay a good sum for this
honour. Knowing the King's pressing need for money,
Wimbledon suggested to the Duke that he should procure
from the King a royal warrant creating Tufton a baron, and
he (Wimbledon) would see that the money was paid in to
1 On Dec. 18, 1625, the King issued a commission to Edward Viscount
Wimbledon, Lord Marshal of the army, Sir W. St. Leger, Sir John Burgh,
and twenty-two other officers, to punish aay of the soldiers at Plymouth, and
in Devon and Cornwall, guilty of robbery or other misdemeanours. — Rymer's
Fadera.
2 The Diary of Walter Yonge.
3 Ibid.
264 LIFE AND TIMES OF
the King's hands. What this sum was does not appear,
but Wimbledon's letter to the Duke's secretary, Nicholas,1
leaves no doubt that Wimbledon managed this little
business for his brother-in-law, and was the means of having
him created a baron.2
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO Mr NICHOLAS.
" Mr NICHOLAS,
" I have now spoken to my lo. Ducke's Grase, and have
given him all satisfaction of any doubt, and his lo. is now content
that the busines shall goe forward, and commanded me to signefie
to y° that y° should draw forthwith a warrant, and my lo. hath
promised mee to signe it. And if my lo. will have hast made of
it, so soon as the King shall have signed his Royall warrant, I
shall be redy to present the munny to his Maty, or to whome his
My shall apoint. And I praye y° lett my lo. Ducke know so
much from mee, and so I reast in hast,
" yr most assured loving
" friend,
" WIMBLEDON.
" This present Wednesday,
at 3 of the Clocke.
[P.S.] " I pray y° remember to lett my lo. know that I had
forgotten to move him that my Brother Toffen [Tufton] have noe
ronge if there be any other Barons made, for that he is an antient
Baronett." 3
1 Afterwards Sir Edward Nicholas, who succeeded Windebanke as Secretary
of State in 1641.
2 Buckingham issued a warrant in October to Attorney-General Heath,
signifying that it was the King's pleasure that a grant should be drawn up to
Sir Nicholas Tufton of the dignity of Lord Tufton of Hothfield, C° Kent, Oct?
1626. — S. P. Dom. Lord Tufton's creation bears date November I, 1626.
On August 5, 1628, he was created Earl of Thanet, and died in 1632. These
titles became extinct, in 1849, on the death of Henry Tufton, nth Earl of
Thanet.
3 S. P. Dom. — Sealed with the crest — a wheatsheaf with two supporters
surmounted by a viscount's coronet.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 265
Add.
" To his very worthy friend
Mr Nicolas, Secretary,
to the Ducke."
End.
" The 19 Octob., 1626.
Lord Wimbledon to me."
On December 18, Lord Wimbledon was appointed, in
conjunction with Charles, Earl of Nottingham,1 Lord-Lieu-
tenant of Surrey.2 Soon after receiving this appointment,
the King sent a warrant to the Lords-Lieutenants of counties,
desiring them to procure a certain number of men by a
fixed date, to be sent over to Holland as reinforcements
for the four English regiments, which it had been decided
to send to the aid of Christian of Denmark. The King's
warrant to Lords Nottingham and Wimbledon, setting
forth his reasons for sending British troops to his uncle's
assistance,, is as follows : —
" Right trustie and welbeloved Cousin wee greete yow well,
O[ur] Deare uncle [the King of Denmark] at the instance of or
Deare ffather of ever blessed memory [and other] confederated
Princes and States, But principally att or said Deare ffathers, and
our instigaton, ingaged himselfe in a warre against the howse of
Austria, uppon promise of assistance by men and money from the
interessed Princes and States. And, haveing by his armes made
a stronge Diversion of the enemies forces and kept them from
fallinge downe uppon these partes, Wee finde it both honoble and
most important to the publicke cause, to support or said unkle
wth such assistance as may incourage him to proceed in those
1 Charles Howard, 2nd Earl of Nottingham, was younger son, by his first
marriage, of the famous old Admiral Howard, i" Earl of Nottingham, many
years Lord High Admiral of England.
2 His commission as Lord- Lieutenant is to be found among the Conway
Papers. — S. P. Dom. (Appendix), 1626.
266 LIFE AND TIMES OF
royall vvaies of [force] that hee hath begun to give a stoppe to the
ambitious designes of the enemie, and restore peace to Chrysten-
dome. And because or said Deare unkle doth att this time stand in
great need of a supply of menn to make upp those defects and
losses, wch accidents of warre have this last Sommer cast upon his
Armie, with soe (much) disadvantage, as, unlesse some p'sent reall
supply bee sent, hee [will be] inforced to make his owne con-
dicones, provide for his [own safety] and deferre the comon
cause. Wee have thought good to send p'sently to or said Deare
Unkle the fower Regiments now in or pay in the Low Countreyes,
and to the end those forces may come compleat, and bee more
usefull in that great worke of reinforcinge or said Deare Unkles
Army, wee are pleased to make upp the defects of those fower
Regiments by new leveyes from hence. And doe hereby Authorize
and require yow to cause one hundred of able and serviceable
menn for the warres, to bee levyed in that country, under yor
Lieutenacy, and to observe in the choice of the men and the
orderinge and disposeing of them, such directons as yow shall
herewth receave by 'tres from or Privy Counsell, wch service wee
expect yow cause to be pformed wth such care and diligence as
the importance the occasion requires, and as yow tender that
great and good cause to [the furtherance of wch these forces
are designed. And those or Ires shall bee yor sufficient warrant
and discharge in this behalfe.
" Given under or signet att or Pallace att westmr, the 9th day of
ffeby, in the second yeare of or Raigne. " 1
" To or Right trustie and welbeloved
Cousin the Earle of Nottinghame, and
to or right Trustie and welbeloved
Cousin, Edward Viscount Wimbledon,
Lord-Lieutenants of or Countie of
Surrey."
End. " The King's Ire for the levyinge of 100 men,
1627."
1 Add. MSS. 29,599 f. 31 (damaged by damp). A minute of this letter is to
be found in the Privy Council Register to* 1626-7, anc^ 't is noted that the 100
men are to be sent to the port of London by the 28th March, new style.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 267
Those of the King's subjects who refused to subscribe to
the general loan were summarily dealt with. The gentry
who resisted were summoned to appear before the Privy
Council in London, or else imprisoned. The poorer sort
were pressed for the fleet, or sent to Holland to fill up
the ranks of the regiments ordered to North Germany. In
addition to these grievances, soldiers were billeted on all
persons of substance who had refused or delayed the loan.
The soldiers, who were ill-paid and ill-disciplined, were
guilty of many crimes and outrages. The whole country
was in a state of uproar.
" And besides," wrote Wimbledon to Secretary Coke, " there
are many vagabonds that, in the name of soldiers, do outrages
and thefts." l The laws seemed to have no terrors for these
offenders, and yet " there was never time more needful to have
such laws put in execution," wrote Wimbledon, " in regard of the
great liberty that people take, more than they were wont." 2
Wimbledon recommended that a provost-marshal should
be appointed in every county. This advice was adopted,
and martial law was proclaimed — a remedy which seemed
to the civilian population worse than the disease.
It was not till the beginning of April, 1627, that Lord
Wimbledon was discharged from his command of Lord-
Marshal of the army that went to Cadiz in i625.3 Seven
of the ten regiments had been reduced. The remaining
three, viz., the Duke's, Lord Wimbledon's, and Sir Edward
Conway's, were sent to Kent, Sussex, and Ireland.4 Many
of the reduced officers were promised commissions in some
1 Wimbledon to Coke, Feb. 23.— Melbourne MSS. quoted by Dr. Gardiner
in his Hist, of England, vi. p. 156.
2 Ibid.
3 Walter Yonge's Diary, p. 105.
4 Court and Times, i. p. 168.
268 LIFE AND TIMES OF
regiments which were soon to be raised to serve in a new
campaign.
Directly Wimbledon was released from his military
command under King Charles, he made arrangements for
returning to his regiment in Holland, and obtained a
pass from the Privy Council to leave England.1 But his
departure was delayed until the middle of June by a press
of business connected with the payment of the officers and
men who had served under him in the late expedition, and
who, including himself, had received little or no pay for
their past services. The following letter of Wimbledon's
enclosing a list of the officers out of Ireland who had
served under him at Cadiz, and to whom a large sum of
money was due, is worthy of attention : —
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO Mr NICHOLAS.
Mr NICHOLAS,
" I have received the letter and former list which I delivered
to you, and have sent you another now more perfect. And I do
not knowe that theare was anie in the former list left out that should
have ben in, but onlie Captain Alford, which was the fault of my
servant that did write it, and not mine ; for others, they were
absent in Ireland, soe that I could not put in those present that
were not. For the Drommes [drummers] in regard they were but
meane officers, and that they could not attend so long their pay-
ments as others did, I doubt whether the Captains would put in
theire servants or other slight men to gaine them paie, and fearing
to increase the some of the list to overthrow the whole. There-
fore I could wish that no man be paid when they are to receive
their paie, but such as shall receive it with their own hands, and
to be demanded some question to prove they bee the same men
they then present [represent] themselves. But what should I
trouble myself to husband his Matie8 money as I have donne, when
1 " 22 March, 1626 (old style). A Passe for the Lo. Vise. Wimbleton, his
Ladie and Famellie, to go ovr in to the Lowe Countries." — Council Register .
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 269
there is no thanckes nor notice of it, for I see more men prosper
with spending and getting the King's money then [than] by saving
it, for I see all will awaie, and he is the wisest that getteth his part,
and what will become of all in the end, time will learne us, and soe
I rest,
" your most loving friend,
" WIMBLEDON.
" Wimbledon, i May,
1627. l
[P.S.] " I am glad to see that Captain Gifford is on the list, for
he is worth four or five of some captains that are in the list."
Add.
" To my verie loving friend
Mr Nicholas, Secretarie to
my Lord Duke."
End.
"The 2 May, 1627, Lord Wimbledon concerning the Irish
officers to whom there is due, for 5 months, ^2275."
In the list sent by Wimbledon to Nicholas is to be found,
among the lieutenants who had served in the Cadiz expedi-
tion, the name of " ffelton," and it is noted that there is a
sum of £84 due to him for four months' service.2 This
was the unfortunate and notorious Lieutenant John Felton,
who was, within the space of a few months, to make his
name known through the length and breadth of the king-
dom as the perpetrator of a dreadful crime. But, before
narrating the story of Felton's life, it is necessary to
chronicle some of the important events that took place in
the spring and summer of 1627.
In April, the four new English regiments in the service
1 S. P. Dom. — Letter signed by Wimbledon and sealed with his arms.
2 See list of officers and amount of pay still due to them attached to Lord
Wimbledon's letter of May I.
2/O LIFE AND TIMES OF
of the States, sailed for the Elbe, under Sir Charles
Morgan, who had the rank of general conferred upon him.
Owing to long arrears of pay, and the unpopularity of the
service, the regiments were much below their strength
— both as regarded officers and men — and the new recruits
deserted by companies at a time. For some time it was
uncertain who was to be commander of this forlorn hope,
and it was generally supposed that Lord Willoughby, who
was colonel of one of these English regiments, would have
the command. But this gallant soldier had returned in bad
health and spirits from his late unfortunate sea voyage, and
he declined the command.
Upon Lord Willoughby's refusal, there was a report that
Lord Wimbledon was to have the command.
" My Lord Wimbledon, upon my Lord Willoughby's refusal,"
wrote a correspondent of Mr Mead's, "is to go general of our
four regiments in the Low Countries to aid the King of Den-
mark." 1
Wimbledon was just the man to apply for this command,
and he was doubtless anxious to retrieve his reputation ;
but, being much out of pocket by his late expedition, he
could not, even if he had been offered the command, have
accepted it, until he had received the arrears of pay due to
him. So he stayed on in England and fought the Govern-
ment on behalf of his officers' and his own pay. Many of
the officers had now become very clamorous and impor-
tunate for their pay.
"There are here in town about 103 captains, lieutenants, and-
other officers that came out of Ireland (being part of the army
that returned from Cadiz)," wrote Secretary Nicholas, " who are
here in great want and do much importune for their pay. The
Lord Wimbledon hath sent a list of all these officers, where he
? to Mead, Nov. 17, Court and Times, i. p. 171.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 271
hath set down what pay every one hath received, and how much
more every one is to have for five months' entertainment." 1
So ran a memorandum of Buckingham's secretary, which
his master was to lay before the Privy Council on May 2.
On May 16, the Privy Council issued a warrant for the
payment of ;£ 10,000 to Captain Mason, treasurer of the
army, to be disbursed by him in payment of arrears due
to officers who had served in the Cadiz expedition.2 This
sum was speedily swallowed up, and the commander of the
late Cadiz expedition remained still unpaid. In conse-
quence of this omission, Wimbledon laid his claim before
the Privy Council, and, on June 12, a warrant to the follow-
ing effect was issued from Whitehall : —
" Whereas the Lo. Vic. Wimbleton did thus remonstrate to the
Boord by his humble Petition, that his Malie hath comanded the
Lo. Trer. 6" Mr. Chanc. of the Excheqr to make paym* of iom u
for the use of the Army lately imployed in the Expediticon to Cales,
and likewise such other somes of money as shall from tyme to
tyme be ordered by us to be paid in that behalfe ; And whereas
he also alleadged that the Lord Duke of Buckingham, signified to
the said Mr. Chancellr, in the Peticoners presence, that it is his
Maties pleasure that the Peticoner should receive the intertainement
due to him, from his Matie, for his service for 22 monethes, as
Lieutenant-gfall, Marshall comanding in Cheef, five pounds
per diem ; as Collonell at one pound five shillings per diem, for
wch there remaineth due to his Lop (all deduccons made), as will
appeare, 3344" ; for as much as other officers imployed in that
service have bin satisfied, and the Lo. Vic. Wimbleton, who hath
comanded in Cheife omitted in the list, wee doe therefore thinck
fit, and hereby pray and require the said Lo. Trer. and Mr.
Chancell1" of the Excheqr to give present direccon for the paym1 of
1 Memorandum endorsed, " Nicholas's minutes of business to be brought
before the Council by Buckingham, May 2."—S. P. Dom.
* S. P. Dom.
272 LIFE AND TIMES OF
the said some of 3344" to the said Lo. Vic. Wimbleton or his
Assignes, for his entertainment above specified." l
Money was particularly scarce this month of June, for
Charles had, to the surprise of all men, except Bucking-
ham, who was declared to be the cause of it, declared war
against France, notwithstanding the crippled state of his
finances and his engagements to support Christian of
Denmark in Germany. A large fleet and army was being
hastily prepared to proceed to the relief of Rochelle, then
in the hands of the French Huguenots who were in open
revolt against their king. Buckingham forgot his ani-
mosity to Spain in the excitement of a war with France,
and, in helping the Huguenots, he thought to humble the
pride of the great Richelieu, who had thwarted his designs
and played him false on many notable occasions. In
consequence of the expenses incurred in fitting out this
expedition, of which Buckingham was to be general by
sea and land, though he knew nothing of either naval or
military warfare, Wimbledon was unable to get his arrears
of pay from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and, like
many others, was obliged to wait for a more convenient
season. The States' army being ready to take the field,
Wimbledon was obliged to return to Holland without
further delay, leaving the expedition, in which he was to
have no part, almost ready to sail But, though he was to
have no part in it, his interest in the expedition was great,
and, as a Councillor of War to the King, he had, when the
design was first mooted to the Council of War, delivered his
opinion to his sovereign in writing, in which he pointed out
" the commodities and discommodities of undertaking and
relieving Rochelle." 2
1 Council Register for 1627.
* This tract of Lord Wimbledon's is given in the Appendix to this vol.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 273
The Prince of Orange took the field towards the end of
June, with 170 companies of foot and all the horse. The
garrison towns were left in the charge of wartgelders during
the absence of the troops.1
In former years the States' army had to act on the
defensive, but this year Henry of Nassau, taking advantage
of the supineness of his enemy, opened the ball by march-
ing to Groll and laying siege to that town. The garrison
made a spirited defence at first, but, being disheartened by
the failure of a Spanish army under Matthias van Dulken
to relieve them, they capitulated on August 2O.3 In this
siege was killed " Younker William of Nassau," as he was
called, the illegitimate son of Maurice of Nassau, and late
admiral of the Dutch squadron in the expedition to Cadiz.
The English also lost several gallant officers, whose loss
Lord Wimbledon, who served with his regiment at this
siege, deplores in the following letter written from before
Groll :—
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO LORD CARLETON.3
" MY VERIE GOOD LORD,
" I doubt not but you are as full wheare you are of the victorie
at Groll as wee weare with desier to gain it. Wee have shortened
that time I sett down in my letter to your Lop with earlie parlie,
sweet words and good conditions, but how the governour will
answer it when our gallerie did neither touch his falce braie,4 nor
the rampier, but if I weare of his jurie, I should much condemn
him. I hope by the good fortune of theise countries at this time,
and the brave enterprice of the Duke in France, we may well
hope that God hath turned his face again upon us.
1 Lord Carleton to Lord Conway, June 27, 1627. — S. P. Holland.
y New style.
8 Sir Dudley Carleton was raised to the Peerage, May 21, 1626, as Baron
Carleton of Imbercourt, co. Surrey, and on July 25, 1628, was created
Viscount Dorchester. He died in 1631 when these titles became extinct
4 Fausse-braye.
VOL. II. T
274 LIFE AND TIMES OF
" The Prince hath gained a great deal of honour in this his first
action of note, having shewn a great deal of understanding and
readiness, and diligence and resolution, having made the seidge as
perfect as ever I saw any, and in as short a time in regard of the
strength of the towne before him, and a strong enemie behind
him. Wee having imittated the enemie, and, if it may be, sur-
passed him in the fortifying of our circumvolation [circumvallation],
and they have imittated us in giving an assault of bravadoes to as
little purpose as wee did at Terhiden. Soe that you see the
humbleness of our profession that doe not scorn to learn one of
another.
" I cannot see that victories doe alwaies happen without some
errour, wee having lost a great many worthie friends as you have
heard in this siedge, and most of his Maties subjects, being increased
with a further losse then, I thinck, your Lop hath heard of, which
is by the death of Sir John Prowd, departed this morning at three
of the clocke within the towne of Groll, as worthy and brave a
gentleman as any of our nation left behind him, so that the
Regiment 1 is left without Colonel, Lieut.-Col. or Sergt. -Major.
Finding the Prince full of honour and victorie, and having under-
stood by some that the States had taken a resolution to furnish
all the vacant companies with Captains, I went to his Excie, in
your Lo: name, to desire him that he would not execute the
States' resolution, but deferr it till the return of my Lord Duke, or
at least till he spoke to your Lop, and that his Matie would take
it for a courtesie done for his sake. But his answer to mee was
peremptorie, that it was the States' pleasure that it should be
presentlie put in execution, and that the King of France had
taken exception at the States that they should suffer men in their
service and paie to make warre upon him, whereuppon he com-
manded mee to find out officers to supplie the place of Sir
William Courtenay,2 and Sir Harrie Sprie 3 or that otherwise hee
1 Sir Charles Morgan's old regiment of which Sir John Proude was Lieut-
Colonel.
2 Capt. W. Courtenay, of Lord Wimbledon's regiment, had been given the
command of a regiment in the Isle of Rhe expedition, and had been knighted
by Charles I. before leaving England.
* Capt. Sprye, another of Wimbledon's officers, had a regiment given him in
the Isle of Rhe expedition and received the honour of knighthood. He was
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 275
would doe it himselfe, and this is all I can satisfie your Lop at this
time ; and, that I am in bedd recovering the sleep I lost, I am
forced to use another man's hand, yet nevertheless I rest your
L^,
" Most humble servant,
" WIMBLEDON.
" From before Groll,
August the 1 2th 1627." l
Add. "To the Righ honorble the Lord Carleton, Baron of
Embercourt, Embassador Extraordinarie, and
one of his Matlsc most honorb16 Privie Councell
at the Hague."
End. "From my Lord Wimbledon the i2th of August
1627."
On June 27 a fleet of 100 sail, with about 6,000 land
soldiers on board, left Stokes Bay for Rochelle. Upon
arrival there the inhabitants shut their gates and refused to
admit allies of whose coming they had not been informed.
Buckingham now steered for the adjacent isle of Rhe,
which was well fortified and had a strong garrison. Here
he effected a landing, but with some loss. The strong fort
of St. Martin's might have been taken if an immediate
attack upon it had been made, but the Duke wasted five
days in fortifying himself, and in preparations for attacking
the fort. This delay gave time to the garrison of St.
Martin's to lay in provisions and prepare for a siege. To
reduce the fort seemed to Buckingham, utterly inex-
perienced as he was, an easy matter with such a large army
at his back. His despatches home were full of hope, and
many of the Duke's friends were led to expect brilliant
one of the few commanders in this disastrous expedition who lived to return to
England, but he told his wife on his return that his heart was broken at the
loss of so many brave friends, and he died within a few days. Mead to
Stuteville, Dec. 15, 1627. — Court and Times, i. p. 305.
1 S. P. Holland.
T 2
276 LIFE AND TIMES OF
successes. An account of Buckingham's successful landing
in the Island of Rh6 was sent to Lord Carleton at the Hague
by Sir John Coke, who desired the English Ambassador to
acquaint Lords Vere and Wimbledon with the particulars
of the Duke's actions in France.1
It was not long before reports of a much less hopeful
nature reached England. Buckingham had been obliged
to turn the siege into a blockade and had sent for rein-
forcements. His troops and provisions were wasting daily,
and the French, who had recovered from their surprise at
the unexpected arrival of an English fleet, were making
strenuous exertions to swoop down on the English fleet
with a still larger naval force. It was during this gloomy
period that Sir John Burroughs, the duke's gallant second
in command, was killed by a shot from St. Martin's.2 This
fresh misfortune cast additional gloom over the English
army. At a time when Buckingham was sorely in need of
advice, and had few friends to speak the truth to him,
Wimbledon wrote him an honest, manly letter, and gave him
the best advice that he was able to give. Wimbledon
evidently spoke from his heart when he assured the Duke
that he would sooner have come himself as a volunteer
than sent him a letter by another's hand, but he had not
the means to indulge this wish.
" My gratious Lord," wrote Wimbledon to the Duke, " As you
have begonne your victories like Caesar, soe I wishe you may end
them with triumphes as hee did. And although I have nott the
happinesse to bee pertaker of soe glorious an action, yet I hope
to bee an actor in the triumphe. It is held of all men that true
freindes and servantes are bounde as well in absence, as presence,
1 Coke to Carleton, undated, received by the latter August 8. — S. P. Holland.
* "Sir John Burgh was one night in the trenches shot through the belly of
which he died within four hours." Sir Edward Conway to Lord Con way, from-
St. Martin's, Sept. §g— S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 2/7
to shewe theire affections, and to give what assistance they are
able to those they faithfullie honnour, in one kinde or other,
according to theire profession, and the occasion offered. Your
Grace (as I heare) is now beseiginge a place, soe that the pro-
fession wch I have made of my service to your Grace, cannot bee
excused at this time, when I may add somethinge to your graces
proceedings, especiallie for that the seidge continues soe longe.
I have seane in the lowe Countries diverse letters wch came
from France, wch signifie that it is advertised out of the Sconce
that all theire advantage is, that your Grace wanteth good
Engeniers, or those that should direct them. If I can saie
nothinge to that purpose that have been soe longe in the proffes-
sion, and so fresh retorned from soe great a seidge, I might be
ashamed. As it seemeth not a little strange to mee, to heare
that a Forte but of foure pointes (though of stone), if theare are
not maine outwarkes, and not highlie mounted, should hould out
soe longe as it doth. For if it be by the quantitie of menn in it,
there is noe waie better then by blockinge of it, and shootinge
into it Granadoes, that carrie fiftie and threescore pounders of
powlder, wch I feare your Grace hath not, nor a mann that cann
tell how they should bee shott. If the Garrisonn bee not soe
stronge, then it is best by approches. But whether it bee stronge,
or weake, it ought to have ben approched too ; neverthelesse, to
make the blockinge of it more easie, for there is no waie better to
block upp a place then by approaching it soe nigh as may bee
(especiallie, when an enemie is not expected that cann releive it by
force), for the nigher you approche unto it, the narrower is the
circumvolation, and then you blocke it upp more surer, with fewer
menn, and lesse worke ; then also, you take from the beseiged, the
commoditie of water, and other thinges that lie without the Skonce,
and then may you dismount their ordennance much better,
beinge that in shootinge farr off you cannot shoote, either with
that force or certaintie as shootinge nigh, wheare you shall not
misse one shott. To batter the point of a Fort of foure pointes it is
easie, beinge the imperfection of that figure, that the point of
the bulwarkes cannot possiblie bee made stronge, but sharpe, and
therefore may the easilier bee broken, though of stone ; for batter
the corner stones the rest will followe of themselves (as your
Grace knoweth), the corner stone beinge held the Master and
278 LIFE AND TIMES OF
head stone. Theare is also another imperfection in that figure,
that is, that it cann but flancke from the Cassamate soe that
it can shoote but uppon one or two lines, wheare the beseiger
hath choice to shoot uppon diverse lines to dismount the peices of
the beseiged, that is by right lines, and by brickwallinge to shoote
into the Cassamate to choake it. There is no place to bee
beseiged, unlesse the beseiger have three peices to one; nor
approachinge nigh to any place of strength without dismounting the
enemies peices ; nor cominge nigh the ditch of a Forte without
lodginge soe manie musquetiers, as may predominate the Enemies
musquetiers. If your Grace have not store of materialls to make
your trenches, redoutes, and batteries, as store of willowes, salloes,
and the bodies of younge trees of that kinde whereof they make
bauin (sic), and store of all ironn tooles, it is noe wonder your Grace
is soe longe about the worke ; for a seidge requires all manner of
thinges, and none to bee wan tinge. I knowe not how your
Grace is furnished with those that knowe how to make batteries.
I have seene some in our seidge of Groll, that have made in one
night, a batterie for six demie cannon, wch played next morninge
by breake of daie, and that battery was sixteene foote high from
the platforme, and cannon proofe to guarde the peices and
cannoniers. If your Grace finde that you have want of menn, and
that the enemie be strong ; you are to make the more redoubles,
for they will defend your menn, and fewer men defend them ;
and thereby you shall soe inclose the enemie, that he shall
neither bee able to doe you anie harme by sallies, nor soe easilie
receive suckers. My Lord, I know not what judgment to make
that have not been better advertised, but that the Forte should be
relevied by sea, when as your Grace is absolute Master of it,
surelie my poore opinion is that it must needes have been acted
in the night, and foule wether, when shippes could not ride theare,
and soe the enemie not discovered, otherwise, I knowe not what
to conceive.1 For if the Forte cann be relived by sea, and your
Grace bee Master of it, and not able to hinder the releife, nor to
1 On the night of Sept. 27, when St. Martin's was on the eve of surrendering
to Buckingham, a number of French boats laden with provisions broke through
the English fleet and succeeded in landing their precious cargoes under the
walls of the fort. The garrison plucked up fresh courage and the besiegers
seemed as far off winning the fort as ever.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 279
mine into the raraper, it is but lost labor to continue the seidge.
For theare are but two thinges for a soldier to resolve on when
hee cometh to beseige a place, whereof hee must have soe much
of the practique, to iudge, that is, whether hee bee able to beseidge
and gett it, or unable to undertake it. Your Grace hath ben
longe before it, and now you are to looke for fowler wether then
you have had, and that the enemie hath had a longe time to call
uppon his friendes and allies, and to make great preparations, and
may come freshlie uppon you with all the advantages of winde,
tide, and choice of the time, w°h are great, therefore I doubt not,
but your Grace hath taken the resolution by this time (if you have
not alreadie finished your conquest) that either you will putt the
enemie from all means of releife, with what haste you cann, or
else resolve to leave it, and looke to releive Rochell, which place
(if you cann keepe openn to sea, will give you the advantage of
all the rest, and the Kinge of France soe much to doe (if he will
beseidge it) as will bringe him on his knees, and force him to
begg a peace of his Matie. But, as I said, if your Grace be
resolved to continue the seidge, you must goe rounde about it,
and advance two stronge workes soe nigh the sea as you cann,
the one on the east side, wheare the town is scituate (as I can
gather by the mapp) and the other on the west side wheare
Collonell Sprie hath his quarters, and to make that guarde as
stronge at least, as the garrisonn may fall uppon it. And uppon
anie fowle wether in the night, when the shippes cannot ride to
impeach relieife, to make diverse sallies, as well to discover then
what they doe, as to hinder them from receivinge anie suckers.
And at such time (w°h cannot be alwaies) to drawe downe a by
watch, that may serve for secondes, and cannot but doe some
great service at such time and uppon such occasion. If your
Grace shalbee constrained to leave this seidge (wch God forbidd)
and yett the bravest soldiers have donne it, and your Grace follow-
inge the warrs, if not now, yett you must expect that at some time
or other, you may doe it, this onlie must bee regarded, that all
true ingenious meanes bee used, to satisfie the world, how that it
was not, for want of courage (of w°h your enemies cannot accuse
you, that have shewed soe much) but by impossibilities. It will
not bee amisse to provide for the worste, the best will helpe it
selfe, that is, for the retreat, if you bee forced to leave the plaes,
280 LIFE AND TIMES OF
especiallie for the embarquing the Armie, for wch you must make
some good workes ; and soe order the shippes that you may be
favoured therein by your ordenance.1 For, as your Grace well
knoweth, you cannott shipp all the Armie at once, neither could
you soe land them, and therefore must thincke to leave parte
behinde you, and they may bee charged by the enemie in greater
numbers than they shalbee of, at that present, therefore the reare
must bee strengthened by some worke that may defend them.
And you must expect (if it should soe happen that you should
leave the seidge) that the enemie will venture anie thinge to give
you a blowe at your embarquinge, and the rather, for that you gave
them soe great a one, at your landinge, wch in my opinion was one
of the daringgest actions that I have knowne or heard of in our time.
" This is all I cann say herein, not beinge better advertised than
I have ben sence my cominge over. But surelie, otherwise, I
should have said more, and fitter to the purpose. For I must
confess I have scene much in this kinde, have studied this arte
long and practised it (I dare saie) as much, as anye mann of our
Nation. Therefore I hope your Grace will pardonn my bold-
nesse, for if I affoored your Grace noe profitt, yett it aifoardes
mee thus much, that it testifies mee your unfeigned servant and
one that desires all happinesse and honour to your personne,
otherwise I should not have written soe freelie nor largelie. Your
Grace hath heeretofore tried me in an unfortunate action and
might have trid mee in a better, that have found it true, that
fortune is too harde for industrie. But I hope by this, I hope
your Grace cann better judge of menn, than you have donne, and
not to take them by reporte, For I knowe, and soe doth all the
world, that your Grace hath exquisite naturall partes, soe that in
this time of action when you have ben soe putt to it, to finde the
Commodities of Warr, and discommodities, 1 knowe you must
have profited much in the profession.
" Had Mr. Chancelor performed your Grace's recommendations,
to mee, as hee did to others, for the poore sommes of money I
have spent in his Maties service, and wch I have lost in the lowe
Countries by reasonn of the same (wch at this time maketh mee
1 Had this advice been taken some hundreds of valuable lives might have
been saved when the inevitable retreat began.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 28 1
altogeather unable to doe your Grace that service I would, I had
ben the bearer of this respect in personn as a Voluntaire, wch I
am forced to send heere by a worthie friend in paper. Humblie
to desire your Grace's stronger recommendations to Mr. Chancelor,
for w°h I shalbee much bound to your Grace, praying to God to
send you alwaies victorie over his MaUes enemies, and your owne." l
The body of the gallant colonel, Sir John Burroughs,
was sent home by Buckingham, to be buried, with military
honours, in Westminster Abbey. The funeral took place
on Oct. 23. The colonel's brother with two other relatives
were chief mourners. Next to them came the Earls of
Dorset, Warwick, Carlisle, Berkshire, Mulgrave and the
deceased's two old companions-in-arms, the Viscounts
Conway and Wimbledon, with many other distinguished
mourners." *
In less than three weeks after the funeral of this great
soldier, Buckingham, with a small remnant of the army that
had left England with him in June, arrived at Plymouth.
St. Martin's had not been taken, Rochelle had not been
relieved, nor had the Huguenot cause been in any way
advanced by the close proximity of an English fleet and
army. The fire from St. Martin's, and the avenging
swords of the French troops who at last had poured over
into the Isle of Rhe from the mainland, and taken
possession of an unoccupied fort there had, befriended by
the lack of provisions and the severity of the weather,
destroyed a large part of the English force. The succours
and provisions sent from England, by England's monarch,
had been forcibly detained in port by a succession of
1 Letter among the Conway papers, signed by Wimbledon, unaddressed and
undated, but calendared " Oct. 12, 1627." — S. P. Dom.
2 Court and Times, i. p. 281. The real name of this gallant officer appears
to have been Burgh, or, Borough, but contemporary writers generally call
him Burroughs. He was buried near his old general Sir Francis Vere. — See
Chester's Westminster Abbey Registers, p. 126.
282 LIFE AND TIMES OF
storms, and never reached the shores of France. Bucking-
ham did everything that a brave man could do, and more
than many brave men would have done, but his enemy
was too strong for him and he was compelled to retreat.
In this retreat he lost hundreds of soldiers and many of his
bravest officers. So ended the first attempt to relieve
Rochelle, and it ended in a disaster " worse than that of
Cecil in 1625," and in "a failure worse than that of
Willoughby in 1626." 1
Loud was the outcry against Buckingham and sore need
had he of all the friends he could muster round him.
Regardless as he was of his own personal danger, he knew
full well that to carry out his political and ambitious
designs he must have a party of his own to sustain and
uphold him, or else he would be swept by the strong
popular current from his precarious foothold. The leading
members of the Privy Council and the Bar were the Duke's
friends and adherents. As Government posts and offices
fell vacant, Buckingham filled the vacancies with his own
friends. Remembering Wimbledon's letter of friendly
advice when he was in sore need of counsel, and trusting in
his friendship, whatever might happen, Buckingham filled
up one of the earliest vacancies in the Privy Council, after
his return home, by appointing Wimbledon, with the king's
consent, to the high and important post of Privy Councillor.
This was on Feb. 4. The event is recorded in the Council
register for 1628.
" This day the Lo. V. Wimbleton, was by his Maties speciall
command sworne one of his higness Privie Councell, sate at the
Boord, and signed Lres." 2
1 Dr. Gardiner's Hist, of England, vi. p. 202.
2 Council Register. Whitehall, Feb. 4, 1627-8. See also reference to
Wimbleton's appointment in a letter from Mr. Beaulieu to Sir T. Puckeiing.
Feb. 6. — Court and Times, i. p. 319.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 283
On Feb. 20, the King issued a commission to certain
members of the Privy Council desiring them " to enter
into a serious consideration of the best ways for raising
moneys, to give assistance to the King's oppressed allies,
to provide for the defence of the State, and to report
thereon." 1 Lord Wimbledon was but a new Privy
Councillor, yet his name was included in this royal
commission. It was not long before Wimbledon showed
himself to be the " ingenious peer " that Sir Kenelm Digby
subsequently styled him,2 for he introduced a new scheme
for raising money which the King adopted. But he first
brought to the King's notice a plan " for the defence of the
coasts of the kingdom against any foreign enemy, in case
the royal navy should be otherwise employed." 3 Wimble-
don's advice, given at a time when there was some ap-
prehension of a French, or Spanish, invasion, was good, for
the navy was now sent yearly on dangerous expeditions,
leaving the British coasts undefended.
The money extorted from his subjects came into the
King's treasury so slowly that he was obliged against his
will to call a third parliament. Parliament was summoned
to meet on March 17, but Charles had no intention of
waiting to ask the House to give their sanction to a fleet
being sent to the relief of Rochelle. Accordingly, the
fleet was ordered to sail on March I, and Lord Denbigh
was appointed Admiral. The old story of mismanage-
ment, want of money to pay the troops and buy pro-
visions, and the utter incompetency of the Government
to deal with the difficulties that presented themselves,
combined to delay the sailing of the fleet until the end of
1 Commission, Feb. 20. — S. P. Dom.
2 Digby to Lord Conway, Jan. 21, 1637. — 6". P. Dom.
3 An extract from this military tract of Lord Wimbledon's, written in 1628,
is given in the appendix to this vol.
284 LIFE AND TIMES OF
April. And what a fleet it was when it did sail ! " There
was such hiding and flying away of mariners for want of
pay and for bad victuals this voyage," wrote a Devonshire
gentleman, " that the report is that they were fain to man
their ships, being but sixteen 1 (sic} sail, with lame and
untrained soldiers, being very unfit for such a service." 3
Was it to be wondered at that Denbigh failed to relieve
Rochelle and returned to England having done nothing ?
As a precautionary measure, before the summoning of
Parliament, all those who had been imprisoned for refusing
the loan, and they were not a few in number, were
released and allowed to return to their homes. An
additional sop was likewise thrown to the coming Parlia-
ment by the release of Sir John Eliot and other leading
members of the late Parliament, who had been imprisoned
for their zeal in the cause of liberty.
The work of the first session of the King's third Parlia-
ment may be summed up in three short sentences. The
celebrated Petition of Right was passed. Five subsidies
were granted to the King. A Remonstrance was drawn up
by the Commons.
The Petition of Right, which is the second great charter
of English liberties, declared forced loans, benevolences,
taxes without consent of Parliament, arbitrary imprison-
ments, the billeting of soldiers, and martial law, to be
against the laws of England. The Remonstrance may be
termed a codicil to the former bill, as it struck at the root
of several grievances, of which the levying of tonnage and
poundage without the consent of Parliament, and the
power of Buckingham, were two of the chief. Charles,
fearing to be deprived of one of his chief resources for
1 The fleet consisted of sixty or seventy ships.
* Walter Yonge'i Diary.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 285
fitting out his navy and determined to uphold his favourite
in all that he did, nipped the Remonstrance in the bud by
suddenly proroguing Parliament.
Whilst the House of Commons was busily employed
censuring Buckingham, that mighty nobleman was pur-
suing the path of his extravagant career, regardless of the
popular hate his actions had evoked. Fortune still smiled
upon him. The King was as much attached to him as
ever. He had a devoted wife, and a still more devoted
mother, who had such unbounded faith in him that, only a
few months before, she had assured him that if she had a
world to dispose of he should have the command of it.1
Friends also the Duke had, who, captivated by the charms
of his manner and person, and admiring his daring spirit in
the hour of danger, still adhered to him. " Buckingham
is the bravest, worthiest, soul alive," wrote the dashing Sir
George Goring 2 to Secretary Conway, " and an honour to
the land that bred him." 3 " The creature lives not," wrote
the old Earl of Banbury to Buckingham, " that loves you as
I do." * Is it surprising if Buckingham, blinded by the
voice of flattery, was unconscious of the incalculable harm
he had done ? But the Duke's career was well nigh over.
The grant of five subsidies enabled the King and
Buckingham to fit out a new expedition to send to the
relief of Rochelle, which still held out against Richelieu.
Both the King and Buckingham had pledged their word to
the Rochellese and could not in honour turn their backs on
the beleaguered city. The Duke was to have command of
the relief expedition, and went down to Portsmouth the
1 The Countess of Buckingham to her son, July 26, 1627. — S. P. Dom.
2 Created Baron Goring, April 14, 1628. A distinguished royalist com-
mander during the civil wars.
3 May 22, 1628.— S. P, Dom.
4 June 20, 1628.—^. P. Dom.
286 LIFE AND TIMES OF
middle of August to superintend the final preparations of
the fleet, which it was decreed he should not live to see set
sail.1 On the morning of August 23, as he was leaving the
house of Captain Mason, the treasurer of the army, and as
he was stooping in the dark hall to speak to Colonel Fryer,
a man pressed forward and stabbed the Duke in the breast.
Buckingham had sufficient strength to draw the knife from
the wound, and exclaiming " the villain has killed rne," fell
dead upon the floor.
The story of John Felton's crime has been often told,
but the story of his wrongs only partly so. As is well-
known, Felton was the younger son of a younger branch of
one of the oldest families in Suffolk. A gentleman by
birth, he was also a gentleman by profession, being the
subaltern officer in a company of foot. There is conclusive
proof that he served in the Cadiz expedition as a lieutenant
in Sir Edward Cecil's regiment,2 and, in addition to the
miseries he endured in that voyage, was kept waiting many
months for his pay. In June, 1627, Felton was selected for
service in the expedition to the Isle of Rh6, and, his captain
being lately dead, Felton petitioned for the vacant company,
but was refused. Whilst serving in the Isle of Rhe, as a
lieutenant in Sir James Ramsay's regiment, Felton's captain
was killed. Again did Felton petition for his promotion,
which meant eight shillings a day pay instead of three, and
again he was refused. It is said that when he represented
to the Duke that he had not the means to live, the Duke
told him he might hang himself if he could not live. This
1 After the duke's death the command of the fleet was given to the Earl of
Lindsey, who sailed for Rochelle, but could not make his men fight when they
got there. On Oct. 18, Rochelle capitulated, finding the English fleet could
render no assistance.
* I think I have satisfactorily proved this fact in my article on ' ' Lieutenant
Felton," in Notes and Queries, 6th Series, x. pp. 83-4, from which article the
above facts relating to Felton are reproduced.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 287
injustice caused Felton to leave the army in disgust.
There was about £80 due to him for his pay in this last
expedition, but not a penny could he get. Poverty, idleness,
and a naturally " melancholick nature," as Lord Clarendon
terms it, magnified the wrong he had received at the
Duke's hands. The literature with which he rilled his
morbid mind was that which painted Buckingham as the
greatest enemy to his country. Felton soon became
possessed with the idea that he was the instrument chosen
by God to rescue his country from the despot who mis-
governed it. In this state of fanatical enthusiasm he
committed the dark deed. His bitter repentance for his
crime, before he was executed, affords abundant proof that
he was not a fanatic of the ordinary kind, for a real fanatic
would have gloried in the act to the very end of his life.
Let us remember that Felton died lamenting his crime and
praying for forgiveness.
At the time that one of his former officers was making
his way to Portsmouth to assassinate the Duke, Wimble-
don was with his regiment in Holland, whither he had
proceeded with Lord Willoughby l about the first week in
August. The Duke's death was a great misfortune to
Wimbledon, and doubtless was grievous news to him.
When a rumour reached him that the Earl of Holland was
to go admiral of the fleet in the Duke's place, and that
there were to be other important changes consequent on
this event, Wimbledon hastened his return home.
" My Lord of Wimbledon intends to take his passage for
England three days hence," wrote Dudley Carleton to his uncle,
1 " A passe for the Lorde Vise. Wimbledon and the Lo : Willoughby wtb
their retinue to transport themselves into the United Provinces of the Lowe
Countries." July 31, 1628. — Council Register. Lord Willoughby was the Earl
of Lindsey's eldest son.
288 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Lord Dorchester, on Sept 13, " as not desiring to be absent upon
these alterations." 1
Instead, however, of meeting with any good fortune on
his return to England, Wimbledon met with two disasters
which came one on the top of another within the short
space of forty-eight hours. Mr. Beaulieu, in writing to Sir
Thomas Puckering, on Nov. 19, thus refers to these last-
named disasters: —
" The Dutch Ambassadors here have this day had their house,
which is Cecil House, in the Strand, burnt down to the ground
by a sudden and violent fire, that took in it at four of the clock
in the morning, so as the ladies had much ado to save them-
selves.
" This misfortune happened to my Lord Wimbledon, the owner
of the house, as well as to them, and came to him as one of Job's
messengers at the heels of a greater which he received yesterday,
by the blowing up of part of his fair house at Wimbledon, which
happened by the mistakeing of some maidens, who, instead of a
barrel of soap, opened a barrel of gunpowder, which lay in the
cellar, and let a spark of the candle fall in. But the greatest loss
which he is reported to have suffered therein, is of his evidences
and papers which are reported to have been burnt." 2
Another contemporary writer gives a still more interest-
ing account of the fire at Cecil House.
" On Wednesday morning," he wrote, " about four of the clock,
a flame was seen to break out of a beautifully and richly furnished
house in the Strand, where the States' Ambassadors have lodged
these three or four years. It is now, with all the curious pictures
and rich hangings, burnt and demolished to the ground, and the
cellar is yet burning like a furnace, being filled with fuel. The
poor ambassador, his wife, and servants, were fain to run away,
half ready and half unready All this came as my Lord
1 S. P. Holland. * Court and Times, i. p. 433.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 289
Totness, a near neighbour, told me, by a careless sleepy fellow
clapping of a candle to a post in one of the upper rooms, which
was lined with fir boards. Some say they were excessive merry
that night, upon that incomparable prize taken by their nation in
the West Indies." l
The late Duke's friends did not escape the odium which
clung to Buckingham's memory long after he was dead.
Popular feeling credited the Duke's allies with carrying out
his tyrannical measures against the poor and oppressed.
As is often the case, the innocent were made to suffer with
the guilty. The following extract proves this, as Lord
Wimbledon was one of the large batch of officers who were
kept waiting years for their pay, and, as a large sum was
due to him at the time of the Duke's death, it was most
unlikely he would try to have the officers' arrears of pay
cut down : —
" Yesterday there was a paper put into the window of my Lord
Conway," wrote Mr. Pory to a friend, " to let him know that,
whereas he made himself the main opposite against the colonels,
captains, and other officers that had served in the late wars, to
draw them from nine months' pay which was their due, to three
months' bare pay, he must look to himself, for there is another
Felton, and another knife ready for his throat, as well as there
was for the duke's, and bid him tell his great friend the lord
treasurer [Weston] as much. So now my Lord Wimbledon takes
that distasteful part upon him, my Lord Conway giving fair
words." 2
1 Pory to Mead, Nov. 21. — Court and Times, i. p. 434. The Plate Fleet,
which had escaped both Wimbledon and Willoughby in former years, had this
autumn been captured by Peter Petersen Heyn, Admiral of the Dutch West
India Fleet.
2 Pory to Mead, Dec. 19, 1628. — Court and Tintes, i. p. 454.
VOL. II. U
290 LIFE AND TIMES OF
CHAPTER VII.
1629-1631.
Death of Mansfeld and Christian of Brunswick — The last days of Spinola —
Siege of Bois-le-duc — Viscount Wimbledon's thirty-nine gentlemen volun-
teers— Details of the Siege— A Royal Volunteer in the States' Camp —
The Dutch surprise Wesel — Surrender of Bois-le-duc — An interesting
spectacle — Affairs in England — Scarcity of money — Lord Wimbledon's
scheme for filling the Treasury — Its success — Death of the Earl of Pem-
broke— Viscount Wimbledon appointed Governor of Portsmouth — Result
of his first visit there — Gustavus Adolphus lands in Germany — The King
of Great Britain's policy — Peace signed between England and Spain —
Oliver Cromwell is summoned to appear before the Privy Council — Lord
Wimbledon appointed a Commissioner for the Relief of the Poor — Death
of the Viscountess Wimbledon — Departure of Lord Wimbledon for Holland
— His claim against the Dutch Government — He loses the command of his
regiment and leaves Holland for ever.
FOR ten long years Europe had been rent in twain by
the sanguinary contest which future generations were to
speak of with bated breath as the Thirty Years' War.
Some of the principal actors in the opening scenes of this
great war game had already disappeared from the blood-
stained arena. Mansfeld was dead. He had not died, as
he would have wished, on the field of battle with his face to
the foe, and the shout of victory ringing in his dying ears,
but he had met death with the cool calm courage with
which he had been wont to await an enemy's charge, and
he awaited the approach of the King of Terrors with his
sword by his side, dressed in his gayest apparel.1 A
1 Mansfeld sustained a crushing defeat at the hands of Wall* nstein at
Dessau Bridge (in the Duchy of Anhalt) in April, 1624, and, not being able to
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 2QI
few weeks before this great warrior's death took place,
Christian of Brunswick had paid the debt of nature, and
the exiled Queen of Bohemia had one brave champion the
less to uphold her cause, and worship the fair hand that
had worn the glove he carried, like a chivalrous knight of
olden days, fastened to his hat. Christian of Denmark
was on the eve of retiring from the championship of
Protestantism, being weary of waiting for the substantial
succours long since promised him by his royal nephew,
Charles, but which he had waited for in vain. And there
was another distinguished warrior, who for a quarter of a
century had been fighting the King of Spain's battles and
had covered himself with imperishable glory, who was
soon to pass away from the world he had so much adorned.
It is almost needless to say, this warrior was the Marquis
Spinola.1
The Prince of Orange taking advantage of the absence
of Spinola, who had been sent early in 1629 to command
the Spanish army in Italy, determined to carry on the war
with renewed vigour. Early in April, the Prince made
preparations for investing Bois-le-duc, which for many
years had been in the hands of the Spaniards and had
make fresh head against the Imperialists, he divided his army between the
Duke of Weymar and Bethlem Gabor in the ensuing autumn. With a few
faithful officers and followers, Mansfeld set out for Venice towards the end of
November. A weakened constitution and the inclemency of the weather
made this journey too much for his strength. Dysentery supervened, and on
Nov. 30, he died at a small village in Bosnia. Not wishing to die in his bed
he caused himself to be dressed in his richest costume, and standing up with
his sword at his side, and supported by two of his officers, he valiantly met his
death. — De Villermont's Ernest de Mansfeldt, ii. pp. 342-3.
1 Spinola died at Castelde Nuovo de Scrinia, 25 Sept. 1630, after the siege of
Casale, in North Italy, a victim to the base ingratitude of Spain. The treatment
he met with at the hands of Philip IV. broke his lion heart, and brought on a
burning fever of which he died. Almost his last words were — " Mehan quitado
la honra." His noble remains lie buried in Prague Cathedral under a
handsome table monument.
U 2
LIFE AND TIMES OF
hitherto been deemed impregnable.1 The States collected
a large army together by the middle of April, which in-
cluded the four English regiments commanded by Lord
Vere, Lord Wimbledon, Sir Charles Morgan, and Sir
Edward Harwood, and three Scotch regiments. This
British contingent was further reinforced by the arrival in
Holland, this spring, of the remnants of Morgan's force, who
had returned under their gallant leader from the hopeless
task of opposing Tilly's veterans in North Germany. In
view of the coming siege, which was sure to be a long and
arduous one, attended with many dangers to the besieging
army, Lord Wimbledon hastened to rejoin his regiment.3
And when again you're plunged in war
He'll show his fighting spirit.
He went over to Holland about the third week in April,
accompanied by thirty-nine gentlemen volunteers who
attached themselves to his regiment,3 in order to learn a
lesson in the art of war under a colonel who had spent
so many years of his life in the Dutch War. Among
these volunteers were the Lord Craven,4 Lord Don-
1 Davies' Holland, ii. p. 576.
3 "A Passe for the Lo : Vise. Wimbleton to repaire into the lowe countries,
together with his followers, servantes and whole retinue, takeinge wlh him
tronkes of apparrel, bagge and baggadge and all necessary provisions, etc." —
Council Register, April 20, 1629.
3 See the list of lords and gentlemen attached to Viscount Wimbledon's
regiment at the end of Hexham's Siege of the Busse, published at Delph,
1630, 12°.
4 William Craven, eldest son of Sir Wm. Craven (Lord Mayor of London in
1611), served for many years under Henry, Prince of Orange, and Gustavus
Adolphus, and was distinguished alike for his bravery and generosity. He
attached himself to the cause of the exiled Queen of Bohemia, and continued
her most faithful adherent to the end of her life. Some historians have asserted
that he was privately married to her, but this assertion has never been proved.
He was created Lord Craven in 1626, and Viscount and Earl in 1663. He
died in 1697* aged 88, when all his titles, except a second barony, conferred
on him in 1665, with remainder to his cousin, Sir Thomas Craven, and his
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 293
caster,1 Lord Fielding,2 Sir Thomas Glemham,3 and Mr.
Cecil.* In like manner many gentlemen attached them-
selves to Lord Vere's, Sir Charles Morgan's, and Sir
Edward Harwood's regiments.5
The town of Bois-le-duc, which was of immense strength,
and from being situated in a middle of a Brabant marsh
difficult of approach, was invested by the States' army on
April 29. The besieging army speedily erected huts, and
began their approaches in the workmanlike manner learnt
by many years' experience in the school of the pickaxe
and spade. Each regiment had its own quarter, and formed
a link of the chain which encompassed Bois-le-duc like an
iron girdle.
Among the distinguished personages who came to the
Dutch camp to serve as volunteers, was the exiled
Frederick, once an anointed sovereign, but now " a name-
less thing," and a dependant on Dutch charity. Dutch
victories by sea and land had in no way brought Frederick
nearer the promised land of his aspirations, and to add to
male issue, became extinct. The second barony of Craven accordingly
devolved upon Win. Craven, Esq., of Combe Abbey (grandson of Sir Thos.
Craven), from whom the present Earl of Craven descends.
1 James Hay Viscount Doncaster, son of the Earl of Carlisle. He
succeeded his father in 1636 as second Earl of Carlisle.
2 Basil Viscount Fielding, eldest son of the first Earl of Denbigh, by Mary
Villiers, sister of George Duke of Buckingham. It is recorded of this noble-
man that when Buckingham arrived in England from the Isle of Rhe, he was
met at Plymouth by his young nephew, Lord Fielding, who accompanied him
to London, and knowing the danger his uncle ran by showing himself to an
enraged populace, Lord Fielding begged his uncle to change clothes with
him, "at which sweet proposition," says Sir Henry Wotton, "the Duke
caught him in his arms and kissed him, yet would not." — Wottoniana
Reliquia, i. p. 229.
3 Sir Thomas Glemham, of Glemham, Suffolk, knight.
4 This was probably a son of Wm Cecil, second Earl of Salisbury.
s Lord Vere, who had a very large regiment, had nearly 100 volunteers.
Morgan and Harwood had neither of them so many as Lord Wimbledon. See
Hexham's list, as before.
294 LIFE AND TIMES OF
his misfortunes his eldest son — the darling of his soul — had
been drowned early this year.1 " It is a grief that no pen
can express," wrote Frederick to Charles I. It was partly
to change the current of his sad thoughts that sent
Frederick a few months after to the States' camp, from
whence he wrote to his wife giving some details of the
siege : —
" To THE QUEEN OF BOHEMIA.
" MADAM,
" I arrived yesterday between one and two o'clock at Creve-
coeur. I met the Prince of Orange and Count Ernest, who were
going towards Enghien, to make some works there. M. Vere 2
and M. Cecil 3 accompanied me as far as my lodging. I have
seen all the forts and works which reach from the last named place
to here. In the evening I went to a parade of some English
troops — two companies of M. Vere's, and one of M. Cecil's going
to the trenches. The Prince's lodging being hard by, I went
there and met him ; he did me the honour to see me back to
my abode. This morning I was with M. Vere and M. Harwoot
in the English trenches, where they are making a gallery to
pass under the counterscarpe of the small forts, and I dined at
the Prince's, where M. Courtomer has arrived. . . . Yesterday,
about eleven o'clock at night, a fire burst out in M. Cecill's
quarter ; 4 it was a very great fire, and nearly all the huts of his
regiment are burnt. The Count de Bergues [Van den Berg] lies
with his army at Loin, and at Geprang, which is three hours'
distance from here. I hope he will not be able to relieve the
town, though he may make a great boast of doing so. The works
that the Prince has raised, to defend the camp, are on a very
large scale. To-morrow I shall go and see the operations of
1 See an account of the death of Prince Frederick Henry in a letter from
the Countess Livingstone to Lord Dorchester, Feb. 14, 1629. — S. P. Holland.
3 Lord Vere.
9 Lord Wimbledon.
4 The position of Lord Wimbledon's regiment is given in Hexham's Siege of
the Busse, p. 7, but this author says nothing about the destroying element
having again paid an unwelcome call upon the unlucky Wimbledon.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 295
Count Ernest, and this evening the French trenches. Those in
the town and forts fire very little. I herewith send you enclosed
what Nedersole [Nethersole] writes to me. It seems that he is
dissatisfied, because they have not told him what M. Vanne l has
done here. When you shall have read it, you can send it me
back on the first opportunity.
" Yesterday there was killed in the English trenches, Omkais,
one of their best engineers, and there were two of them wounded.
I have cause to be pleased with the attention all of your
countrymen pay me, especially by the good M. Vere and
Colonel Harwoot. M. de Bouillon 2 has conducted me from
his quarter to my lodging, where M. de Candall 3 has also been,
and nearly all the officers of every nationality. This is all the
news I can send you of what is going on here. You may be
assured that in every place where I shall be you will always be
entirely beloved by him who will be for all his life, my dear heart,
your very faithful friend,
" and very affectionate servant,
" FRIDERIC.
" From the camp before
Bois-le-Duc
this ££ of June, 1629."*
"To THE QUEEN OF BOHEMIA.
"MADAM,
" I wrote to you yesterday, and the day before that. This is
to tell you that the Count of Berg came this morning, with all his
army in sight of our trenches, but he scarcely came within reach
of our fire with which his arrival was welcomed. He gave the
alarm to the whole camp. It seems to me his intention has been
to try and put succours into the town, but he has not found the
1 Sir Harry Vane. This diplomatist had been sent to the Hague by
Charles I. early in 1629 to try and induce the States to accept the offers of
peace made by Spain. He followed the Prince of Orange to the camp.
2 Duke of Bouillom.
3 Duke of Candale, colonel of a French regiment in the States' service.
4 From the French copy in Bromley's Royal Letters, pp. 22-4.
296 LIFE AND TIMES OF
means of doing so. ... The said Count has returned to his camp,
and I have only just returned, having been up all night. I kiss
your dear hands and your mouth in imagination, and am all my
life,
" Madam,
" your very faithful friend,
" and very affectionate servant,
" FRIDERIC.
" From the Camp,
this 4th of July (n. s.), 1629." l
Failing in his efforts to relieve the beleagued city, Van
den Berg marched towards Guelderland, hoping to draw
the Prince of Orange from Bois-le-duc to protect the Dutch
frontiers. But Henry of Nassau was not a man to re-
linquish his purpose, happen what might, so he contented
himself with sending 5,000 men under Count Ernest of
Nassau to strengthen the neighbouring garrisons, and the
peasants were ordered to lay waste the country and retire
with their cattle and provisions into the towns.2 Van den
Berg, reinforced by 17,000 fresh troops, laid siege to the
strong town of Amersfoort, which was basely delivered up
without a blow being struck. This town being only six
leagues from Utrecht caused a general panic among the
citizens of that and other neighbouring towns. The
triumph of the Spaniards was but short-lived, for, having
laid waste all the country they passed through, they had to
depend for food on regular supplies being sent them from
Wesel, and, about the middle of August, this important
stronghold was surprised and taken by Dieden, governor of
Emerich.3 This caused Van den Berg's army to raise the
siege of Hattem4 and retire to Rhineberg.
1 Bromley's Royal Letters, pp. 26-7.
1 Davies' Holland, ii. p. 576. 3 Ibid, ii. p. 578.
4 A town on the Yssell, near Deventer and Kampen.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 297
On August 23, there was a general thanksgiving through-
out the States' army before Bois-le-duc for the capture of
Wesel.1 A few days before this, Sir Edward Vere, lieut-
colonel to Lord Vere, was mortally wounded by a musket
shot and died soon after. The English and Scotch regi-
ments won great renown in this siege,2 and the gentlemen
volunteers attached to these regiments were conspicuous
for their energy and gallantry.
" My Lord of Craven, whose worth and bounty to my Lord of
Wimbleton's company was knowne to us," wrote an officer who
served at this siege, "this night [Aug. 18] and the day following
watched with my Lord of Oxford. The next night with my Lord
Cecill's company, and the tthird night with General Morgan's
regiment. My Lord Doncaster and my Lord Fielding, two noble
sparkes, trayled pikes under my Lord of Wimbleton's company
and went down to the approaches upon any service that was to be
done, and exposed their bodies both to danger and sicknes." 8
On September 14, after an arduous siege of nearly five
months, Grobbendonck, the governor of Bois-le-duc, surren-
dered the town to Henry of Nassau, and, on September 17,
the garrison marched out with the honours of war.
The Prince and Princess of Orange, the King and Queen
of Bohemia, the Prince of Denmark, with forty dukes,
counts, and barons, viewed the sad procession which left
one of the city gates, whilst the victorious troops of the
Prince of Orange marched in at another.4 The garrison
headed the procession, followed by the sick and wounded.
Then came the governor and his wife in a carriage, the
latter holding her newly-born infant in her arms, and lastly
1 Hexham's Siege of the Busse, p. 27.
a Prince Henry of Nassau styled the Scotch regiments the bulwarks of
the Republic. See Grose's Military Antiquities, ii. p. 170.
3 Hexham, p. 26.
* Green's Princesses of England, v. p. 473.
298 LIFE AND TIMES OF
came the Jesuits, nuns, and friars, carrying in their midst a
miracle working image of the Virgin Mary, which, despite
its great reputation, had on this occasion failed to preserve
the town for those who worshipped it.
Great were the rejoicings throughout the United Provinces
at this signal victory. But every pleasure has some draw-
back, and the States had to deplore the loss of the gallant
admiral,1 who only a few months before had captured
the Spanish treasure ships, but was now lying in his cold
dark tomb in Delft church, near the remains of the heroic
William the Silent.
Whilst the United Provinces were enriching and strength-
ening their kingdom by that unity which means strength,
Great Britain was losing her prestige amongst European
nations by an undecided foreign policy and home mis-
government. The King's third Parliament had come to a
sudden end, after a short and stormy session, in the early
part of 1629. Tonnage and poundage was the rock which
wrecked this session, though, apart from this grievance, were
religious controversies which now began to assume a very
formidable aspect, and which soon were to cause a worse
rebellion in Britain than had ever been known there before.
Sir John Eliot, Hollis, and Valentine, three of the patriots
who, at the close of this stormy session had been chiefly
instrumental in framing and passing a remonstrance which
declared Papists, Arminians, and those who levied tonnage
and poundage, enemies to the commonwealth, were cast
into prison and ordered to pay heavy fines. This they
unanimously refused to do, and Eliot, who has justly been
1 Admiral Peter Petersen Heyn was slain in a sea-fight with the Dunkirk
pirates, June 20, 1629. It is recorded that when the States' deputies sent a
message of condolence to the admiral's aged peasant mother, she said : " Aye,
I thought what would be the end of him. He was always a vagabond, but I
did my best to correct him. He has got no more than he deserved."
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 299
termed a martyr to the liberties of England, died of con-
sumption after many months of weary confinement in the
Tower of London.
When Lord Wimbledon returned to England in the
autumn of 1629 and resumed his seat at the Privy Council
Board, he found that great changes had taken place in the
relations between Great Britain, France, and Spain, since
he had left England. Peace had been signed with France
in the previous May, and negotiations for peace between
England and Spain had secretly been in progress for some
months. Spain had not been the first to suggest a peace
between the two countries, and, when overtures were made
to Philip IV. by his royal brother, the Spanish monarch
boasted that the King of England had been the first to
break the peace, but was glad enough now to try to renew
it. Having failed to recover the Palatinate from his
brother-in-law by force of arms, Charles thought he would
change his tactics, and, by dangling some tempting bait
before Philip's eyes, would try if diplomacy could not
recover the towns in the Palatinate at that time garrisoned
by Spanish troops. In short, Charles hoped to effect by
treaty what his father had ineffectually laboured to accom-
plish.
The dispatch of ambassadors to Holland, to Spain, and
to Sweden, with all the expenses attendant on those
missions, made a great hole in the royal treasury. The
subsidies granted by Parliament in 1628 were all spent, and
large sums were still owing to many of the King's subjects.
It was at this crisis in money affairs that Charles adopted
an expedient of raising money which had been suggested
to him by Buckingham. This expedient was to revive an
obsolete, though unrepealed, law of Edward II., which
empowered the King to summon persons possessed of £4.0
a year, and upwards, in land, to attend him at his coronation
3OO LIFE AND TIMES OF
and receive the honour of knighthood, or else compound
for their neglect.
This revival of an obsolete law was a brilliant idea, as it
was technically legal, and though it could not receive the
approbation of the English judges, it had to receive their
sanction, being just within the letter of the law. The idea
did not originate with Buckingham, but was suggested to
him by a member of the Privy Council — Edward Cecil,
Viscount Wimbledon. This " ingenious peer," as Sir
Kenelm Digby subsequently styled Wimbledon, on ac-
count of the clever way in which he ferreted out obsolete
methods of raising money, took no small credit to himself
for the " composition for knighthood " scheme.
" It was my indeavour onlie," wrote Wimbledon to the king a
few years after the institution of this new scheme for filling the
royal treasury, "that presented my noble Lo : Duke with the
designe of the extorted fees to present your Majestic withall, and
have this 4 or 5 yeares followed it, with your Majestie's other
Commissioners, to that perfection, that your Majestie's coffers
hath already received good profitt from it and maie receive manie
thousands more, if it be well followed, besides the good it maie
bringe to your subjects, that groane under the burthen of extor-
tion." !
The first demand for composition for knighthood was
made in January, i63o.2 As might have been expected,
this unlocked for claim on their purses raised great indig-
nation amongst the gentry of England. They did not
discover in this new tax the benefit to his Majesty's sub-
jects in general, which was so apparent to the originator
1 Wimbledon to Charles I. 1635 ? cclxxx. No. 78.— S. P. Dom.
2 On Jan. 27 a royal warrant was issued appointing certain commissioners
(one of whom was Lord Wimbledon) " to treat with all the king's subjects who
will compound for their fines in respect of their knighthood at the king's
coronation, and to tax such fines and appoint days of payment." — S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 30!
of the scheme. Indeed many utterly refused to compound
at first, and it was only when commissioners had been
appointed in every county to fix the rates of composition x
and enforce payment, that the golden stream began to
flow slowly, but surely, into the royal treasury. This
success was mainly due to the fact that the commissioners
had the strong arm of the law to back them up in their
unpopular employment, for what had not been declared
illegal must, perforce, be legal. The forced loan had been
put a stop to by Parliament, but there was no Parlia-
ment now to arrest a new system of extortion, and Charles
had no intention of calling another if he could possibly
help it.2
On April 10, 1630, died very suddenly, William Herbert,
Earl of Pembroke, in the prime of life. He was one of the
most popular, as well as one of the most generous, men of
his time, and a difficult man to replace in the high posts he
so ably filled.3 By his lamented death the Stewardship of
the King's household and the Governorship of Portsmouth
became vacant. After a lapse of nearly four months, the
King bestowed the latter appointment on Edward Viscount
Wimbledon.4
It so happened that the States' army did not take the
1 The commissioners had instructions not to accept of a less sum than would
have been due by the person fined upon a tax of three subsidies and a half.
* A bill for abolishing knighthood fines was passed by the Long Parliament
in 1641.
3 Lord Pembroke left no issue by his wife, (Mary, eldest daughter and co-
heir of Gilbert Talbot, 7th Earl of Shrewsbury), and was succeeded by his
brother Philip, Earl of Montgomery, the unworthy husband of the heroic Anne,
Countess of Dorset.
4 "The office of keep, and capt. of the Towne and Isle of Portsmouth and
Castle there wth all fees and p'eeminences thereunto belonging, granted to
Edward Vise. Wimbledon during his Mate pleasure, in as ample manner as the
late Earle of Pembrooke enjoyed the same. By order under his Mate signe
manuall procured by the Lord Vise. Dorchester, ult. Julii, 1630." Docquets,
1629-34.— S. P. Dotn.
3O2 LIFE AND TIMES OF
field in the summer of 1630, so Lord Wimbledon's presence
was not required in Holland this year. As soon, therefore,
as he received his commission, he set out for Portsmouth to
take up his new command.1
In the summer of 1630 a new champion of the Protestant
religion made his appearance in Germany. This was
Gustavus Adolphus, the Lion of the North. His tardy
appearance on the scene of war was due to circumstances
over which he had no control. One of the chief hindrances
to his taking the field against the Emperor had been the
continuance of hostilities between Sweden and Poland.
But now, thanks to the intervention of Great Britain and
France, a peace was brought about between the two nations,
and Gustavus was able to devote himself entirely to the
cause which inclination, religion, and the ties of marriage,3
naturally led him. Sir Thomas Roe, who had been sent
to the Baltic by Charles to mediate, in conjunction with
the French ambassador, a peace between Sweden and
Poland, was the most devoted of all the Queen of
Bohemia's many adherents. Consequently, he urged upon
Gustavus the advisability of an immediate invasion of
Germany,3 and held out hopes to the Swedish monarch
that his Britannic Majesty would aid the Swedish army
with money and troops. Gustavus was quick to perceive
that the hour had now come for him to invade Germany.
Imperial misrule had exasperated German Protestants, and
caused the powerful Duke of Saxony, who had so long
oscillated and vacillated between the two belligerents, to
gravitate at length towards the side of the Protestants.
1 Wimbledon to Dorchester, Aug. I. — S. P. Dom.
2 Gustavus had married the sister of George William, Elector of Branden-
burgh, the nominal head of the German Protestant Princes.
3 As a reward for his good advice, Gustavus sent Roe £2,000 after the
decisive battle of Leipsig in 1631.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 303
Wallenstein, the mainspring of the Imperial army, had
been superseded and dismissed from his command, and
his absence was an additional reason for urging Gustavus
to take the field. So the noble Swede left his fatherland
with a small, but perfectly disciplined, army, for that battle-
field of Europe which was to bring him such a rich harvest
of glory. And Roe returned to England to urge his
master to cast in his lot with the new Protestant champion,
who was shortly to alter the map of Germany in so
remarkable a manner.
Charles belonged to that large class of persons who try
to win a great stake with a small venture. He would not
openly range himself on the side of Gustavus for fear of
offending Spain, with whom he was about to conclude a
treaty from which he expected great advantages. So
Charles resorted to the old plan of tacitly allowing a body
of volunteers to be raised in England and Scotland to
swell the ranks of the Swedish army, and then contented
himself with making half promises of further assistance to
the Swedish monarch. It would be time enough, thought
Charles, to rush into a Swedish alliance when he had got
all he wanted from Spain. In the meantime, Spain was
the strongest power and the best worth cultivating.
Early in November, 1630, peace was signed at Madrid
between England and Spain. On December 5 this peace
was proclaimed in London.1 Both parties to the treaty
guaranteed more than they could perform. England was
to bring about a peace between the Dutch and the
Spaniards, and Spain was to mediate with the Emperor
for the restitution of the Palatinate. This treaty was an
old story with a new title.
1 Proclamation that his Majesty has renewed the ancient amity and good
intelligence with Spain. — Coll. Procs. Chas. I. No. 137. — S. P. Dom.
304 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Early in November, Wimbledon was back in London,
attending meetings of the Privy Council,1 and the Council
of War. He had found Portsmouth ill-fortified and ill-
prepared to resist the attack of an invading army. It was
twenty-two years since Sir Francis Vere, the last military
governor, had died, and the defences of Portsmouth had
been greatly neglected. Fully estimating the importance
of such a great seaport, Wimbledon determined to inaugu-
rate his government of this town by making it one of the
most strongly fortified places in England. He returned to
London with this object in view, leaving Captain Brett,2
his lieutenant-governor, to act as his deputy in his absence.
The King was asked for a grant of money and timber for
necessary repairs at Portsmouth, and, crippled as his
resources were, he granted the request. On March 9,
1631, a royal warrant was issued, directing the sum of
£4,382 3J. to be paid to Edward Viscount Wimbledon,
and authorising the officers of the New Forest to send
877 tons of timber to Portsmouth for the repair of the
fortifications.3
In the summer of 1630 a new charter4 had been granted
1 He was present at a Privy Council meeting, 3 Nov. — Council Register.
* Captain Thomas Brett, an old soldier who had served in several of the late
naval expeditions. This was probably the same Capt. Brett, who told his
kinsman, the Duke of Buckingham, that the great fleet sent against Cadiz
would do nothing, " as there was sent with it Bag without money, Cook without
meat, and Love without charity ; " these being the names of three of the
captains in the fleet. — Court and Times, i. p. 74.
3 Sign Manuals, Car. I. xii. No. 61.
4 " Among the means by which Charles I. expected to impose his policy on
the country, was a sweeping change in the charters by which the ancient
towns and cities of the realm were governed. Old charters were called in,
and new ones issued. The Saxon government by reeves, bailiffs, and burgesses,
being abolished in favour of the Norman forms of mayor, aldermen, and
recorder, all elected, or appointed, to serve for life. The new plan was expected
to give the Crown a complete control over the elections and a powerful means
of influencing the Judicial bench." — See the Duke of Manchester's Court and
Society from Elisabeth to Anne, i. p. 337.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 305
to the town of Huntingdon, which placed unusual power in
the hands of the mayor and twelve aldermen who had been
appointed by the King. One of the first persons to fall
foul of the new civic authorities was Oliver Cromwell. By
all accounts the objections that Cromwell made to the
aldermen's abuse of power were well-founded, but, in his
excessive zeal for the cause of justice and the popular
good, he forgot the respect due to the mayor and said
more than he ought. The mayor hastened to report
Cromwell's and another citizen's obstruction to the Privy
Council, who sent a warrant to Huntingdon summoning
" Oliver Cromwell, Esq., and William Kilburne, gent," to
appear before their Board without delay.
On November 26, Cromwell and Kilburne made their
appearance before the Council,1 and their names having
been entered in the Council register, they were ordered to
remain in custody until they were called up for a hearing.
On December I, the case was heard before a full Board, on
which sat Lord Wimbledon and about a dozen more
councillors.2 The mayor and aldermen of Huntingdon
stated their case against the two defendants, and, after a
long hearing of both sides the case was referred to the
Lord Privy Seal (the Earl of Manchester), a large land-
owner in the county of Huntingdon. This nobleman
arranged an amicable settlement of the case between the
O
two parties, upholding Cromwell's objections to the actions
of the aldermen, but condemning the disrespect shown
to the mayor, for which Cromwell said he was sorry,
1 There were present at the Council on this occasion " the Lord Keeper,
the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Privy Seal, the Lord Chamberlain, the Earl of
Bridge-water, the Earl of Danby, the Earl of Kellie, Lord Viscount Wimbledon,
Lord Viscount Dorchester, Lord Viscount Falkland, Lord Viscount Grandison,
Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Vice Chamberlain, Mr. Secretary Coke." — Council Register.
2 Ibid.
VOL. II. X
306 LIFE AND TIMES OF
and that, as Dr. Johnson says, is all a gentleman ought
to say.
The honourable post of privy councillor in the reign of
Charles I. was no sinecure. The King made every use
conceivable of his councillors of state. They acted as a
political body-guard to his Majesty, as royal commis-
sioners, magistrates, judges, tax assessors, and inventors
of schemes for bringing money into an empty treasury.
The royal commission of Jan. 5, 1631, is a good specimen
of the many uses the privy councillors were put to. They
and other commissioners were appointed to
" Inquire into the execution of the laws which any way concern
the relief of the poor, the binding out of apprentices, the setting
to work poor people, the compelling the lazy to work, the
maintenance of houses of correction, payments for relief of
soldiers and mariners, punishment of rogues and vagabonds,
repressing drunkenness, keeping watch and ward and how other
public services for God, the king, and the commonwealth, are put
in practice and executed." l
Lord Wimbledon's name occupies a prominent position
in this Jack-of-all-trades commission. In the previous
year Wimbledon had presented a petition to his Majesty
on behalf of the poor.2 The foregoing commission was
the outcome of this petition. It was not long before
Wimbledon was able to benefit the poor of Surrey in a
very material form. For some months the plague had
been rife in England, and this time it went hand in hand
with famine. The exportation of corn had been prohibited,
and this necessary measure was followed by restrictions
on the sale of corn at exorbitant prices. Privy councillors,
lords lieutenant of counties, and justices, had to pay regular
1 Commission, Jan. 5, 1631. — S. P. Dom.
2 See Council Register, Nov. 12, 1630.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 307
visits to the corn markets to regulate the prices and keep
the rich from oppressing the poor, by withholding grain,
or demanding too high a price — no easy task.
" My Lord of Salisbury took his journey to Hertford [this
week] for regulation of the corn markets in that shire," wrote Mr.
Pory to Sir T. Puckering, on April 21, " and my Lord of Holland
to Brentford for the same purpose. But my Lord Wimbledon
being for the same end last week in Kingston market, he told it
my Lord of C., who told it me again, ' Corn,' said, he ' did rise
there i8.r. in the bushel1 that day, and I think it did so because
we were there.' " 2
Early in May, Lord Wimbledon had the misfortune to
lose his wife, who died in London. Her remains were
conveyed by night to Wimbledon, and laid at rest in the
little chapel of St. Mary's Church, which had been built
by her husband as a mortuary chapel 3 for himself and his
family.
" On Thursday last," wrote Sir Thomas Puckering's London
correspondent on May 12, "the lady Viscountess Wimbledon's
corpse was carried over the bridge of London with a train of
twenty caroches drawn with six horses a-piece, and many more
with four, and with torches sans nombre" *
Grand funerals were much in vogue at this period, and
Wimbledon was not a man to spare expense in paying
the last respect to a wife who had brought him a large
fortune. His wife's illness and death had delayed his
departure for Holland, where both duty and business
1 Seven shillings was the regulation price. See Dr. Gardiner's Hist, of
England, vii. p. 163.
2 Court and Times, ii. p. 1 13.
3 See an account of this chapel in last chapter.
4 Pory to Puckering, May 12, 1631. — Court and Times, ii. p. 113.
A hiatus occurs in the registers of St. Mary's Church, Wimbledon, from
1631 to 163-?, hence the absence of the entry of Lady Wimbledon's burial.
X 2
308 LIFE AND TIMES OF
called him this spring. Having settled his domestic
affairs,1 and obtained leave from the Privy Council to go
over to Holland,2 Wimbledon departed for that country so
closely connected with his life, but which he was shortly
to bid adieu to for good and all.
Consequent upon the late treaty with Spain, the sanguine
British monarch sent Sir Robert Anstruther to Vienna, to
back up the expected demands from Phil-ip IV. relative
to the Palatinate, and Sir Harry Vane was sent back to
the Hague to urge the Dutch to accept his master's arbi-
tration in their quarrel with Spain. These missions, which
were to be utterly devoid of any good result, as far as the
Palatinate were concerned, were watched with anxious
eyes by the exiled Frederick and Elizabeth. To them
the Spanish treaty and the negotiations at Vienna brought
no ray of hope. They knew full well that the sword alone
could recover their inheritance, and that any treaty with
their enemies, made on their behalf by Charles of England,
boded them no good.
" My dear brother did assure me by a letter, that my Lord
Wimbledon brought me," wrote the Queen of Bohemia to a con-
fidential friend, " that he would not be lulled asleep by that treaty
in which he will not trust, but be provided for the worst, and will
never quit our quarrel ; this is his very words." 3
The Prince of Orange shared Elizabeth's opinion re-
garding the Anglo-Spanish treaty, and seeing no advantage
1 Administration of the effects of Diana Viscountess Wimbledon, were
granted by the Prerogative Court to her husband, Edward Viscount Wimble-
don, May 12, 1631. Her estates in Suffolk having been settled on her and her
husband in strict settlement, passed on the decease of the Viscount to Elizabeth
(Drury) Countess of Exeter.— Gage's Suffolk, p. 390.
2 " A pass for the Lord Viscount Wimbledon, one of his Matie" most honbl<
Privie Counsell, to cross the seas .into the Low Countries without search,
May 24, 1631." — Council Register.
1 Elizabeth to Roe ? — Green's Princesses, v. p. 488.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 309
to his country in a peace with Spain, at a time when
Dutch arms were decidedly in the ascendant, declined all
offers of an arbitration which was entirely dependent on
Spain's fulfilling her part of the treaty. So once more the
States' army prepared to take the field.
When the Prince of Orange took the field in May, he
had such a strong army under his command that his
daring spirit prompted him to invade the Spanish Nether-
lands and lay siege to Antwerp. Accordingly he marched
into the enemy's country and made straight for Antwerp.
But his actions were unfortunately hampered by the pre-
sence of the States' deputies, and when these worthies
heard that the Marquis de Santa Cruz was approaching
with an army of 12,000 men at his back, they became
thoroughly alarmed and used their controlling powers to
force Frederick Henry to retreat, sore against his will.1
It was a bitter disappointment to the whole army, and
the excitement of active service was changed for the
monotonous life of garrison duty. " It is generally re-
ported throughout the town," wrote a London citizen on
June 1 6, to a friend in the country, "that the Prince of
Orange hath put his great army into garrison, sans rien
fairer 2
Part of the States' army under the Prince of Orange
encamped at Drunen, near Bois-le-duc, whilst the re-
mainder was sent to neighbouring garrisons. The Princess
of Orange, to be near her husband, came and took up her
residence in the Castle of Heusden.3 It was in this town
that Lord Wimbledon was quartered in the month of July,
as appears from a letter of his to the Prince of Orange's
secretary.
1 Davies" Holland, ii. p. 579.
2 Pory to Puckering, Court and Times, ii. p. 124.
* Dudley Carleton to Lord Dorchester, July 5. — S. P. Holland.
3IO LIFE AND TIMES OF
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO SIR C. HUYGENS.
" Sr CONSTANTINE HuGENS,
" Considering yr manie businesses maketh me ashamed to
trouble you soe ofte as I doe, were it not that necessity urgeth me,
and your extraordinary courtesy that rather invites me then dis-
courageteth me from it, wch maketh my obligation to you so much
the more, therefore it shall be a work of supererogation for you to
take the paines to see me at Huesdon if yor leisure will suffer you,
w°h I know to be impossible.
" Whereas you are pleased to send me word that his Excle hath
receaved an answer from the Advocate of holland concerning the
businesse of my burnt house, that the State order is sent into
England to their Ambassader to treate wth me about it. I doubt
much whether he have receaved it or noe, for that some time
before my comeing over, he told me that he had receaved a letter
from Mor Pawe,1 wth signification that he had written him such a
letter concerninge that businesse. Therefore I have reason to
suspect that he hath not receaved it, wch is the reason that at this
time I must increase your trouble and my 'obligation, to let me
know by what meanes I may receave the like letter, or an Authen-
tike copy of the order to send or carry myself to the Ambassader,
that I may come the sooner to an end of my businesse that hath
now depended some three yeares, wherein you shall bind me to
acknowledge the favor where or wherein I shall be able, and soe
I rest,
" Yr most affectionate servant,
" CECYLL WIMBLEDON.
"Huesdon, 27 July, 1631,
Sti : vet : " 2
Add. " To his very worthy frend
Sir Constantine Hugens,
knight, Secretary to
his Excle."
1 Adrian Pauw, Seigneur de Heemstedt, conseiller-pensionnaire de Hollande.
* Add. MSS. 24023 fo. 6.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 3 1 I
This letter to Sir C. Huygens,1 refers to the burning of
Cecil House in 1628, which had entailed considerable loss
on the owner, and for which he had received no indemnity
from the Dutch Government. Cecil House was now rebuilt,2
and Lord Wimbledon was naturally anxious to come to
a settlement with the States, and have his just claim
paid. From the length of time that had elapsed since
the house was burnt, it is to be supposed that the Dutch
Government resisted the claim for indemnity, and it is
clear from the foregoing letter that Wimbledon had for
some time been fighting the matter. It was an unequal
contest, and ended in a disastrous manner. The States
having exhausted their pecuniary means by continual
warfare, were unable to pay their army regularly, and
several of their regiments had large arrears of pay due to
them.3 The claim for a large amount to cover the loss of
a fine house in London, with its rich contents, was peculiarly
inconvenient to them just then. How the matter was
settled remains a mystery, but there is no doubt whatever
that the persistency of Lord Wimbledon, to recover what
he considered due to him, brought him into disfavour
with the Dutch Government,4 who exercised their power
over the army by depriving him of the command of the
1 Constantine Huygens, Lord of Zuylichem, for many years secretary to
t he Prince of Orange, in which office he was succeeded by his son Constantine.
There is a fine portrait of the Huygens family in the Royal Picture Gallery at
the Hague.
2 See a letter from Lord Wimbledon to Lord Dorchester, dated from
" Cecill House, Nov. 10, 1630." — S. P. Dom. In Pennant's London it is
stated that " a little farther from Exeter House, where Doy ley's warehouse
now stands, was Wimbledon (sic) House, built by Sir Edward Cecil, son to
the first Earl of Exeter," p. 138.
3 In the winter of 1630 the Prince of Orange presented a remonstrance to
the States' Deputies about the arrears of pay due to English, Scotch, and
Dutch Regiments since 1614. — See King's MSS, Brit. Mus. 265, fo, 43.
4 After looking at the case from every side, I can see no reason, except
this business about the burnt house, for Wimbledon's sudden disgrace.
312 LIFE AND TIMES OF
regiment which he had now held for twenty-six years.
The two following extracts, containing the bare announce-
ment of Lord Wimbledon's loss of his command, are
unfortunately the only references to the matter that
Time's destroying hand has left.
" My company," wrote Colonel Sir Edward Harwood, to Sir
Francis Nethersole, on Sept. 7, from the Hague, " is removed into
Ustre ch e[Utrecht] to garrison, upon the goinge oute of my Lo.
Wimbleton and Mr Whetston,1 the meanes by that is somewhat
lessend. I conceive you know my Lo. hath loste the Regim* and
is now oute of favr. Sometyme this monethe Sr [P.] Pagenham
enters on it." 2
The second extract is from Sir Philip Pakenham,3 the
lieutenant-colonel of Wimbledon's regiment, who was now,
after being over twenty years second in command, to get
command of the regiment.
" It hath plesed yr lo. throw Sr Dodly Charleton," wrote
Colonel Pakenham to some powerful friend in England on
Oct. 28, " to antisepat yr lo. good wishes of a command that I am
neer to, which will be confermed opon me as son as the Prins
corns into the hage, for which I do giv yr lo. humbell thanks." 4
The date of Lord Wimbledon's departure from Holland
is not recorded, but a document signed by him, and dated
1 The chaplain to Lord Wimbledon's regiment. See mention of him in a
letter from Col. Sir Henry Herbert to Sir J. Coke, March 4, 1633. —
S. P. Holland.
2 Harwood to Nethersole, September 7, 1631. — 5". P. Holland.
8 Colonel Philip Pakenham was the eldest son of Edmond Pakenham
(second son of Robert Pakenham, Clerk of the Green Cloth). He was
knighted at Theobalds, March 16, 1616-17. From Robert Pakenham,
younger brother to Sir Philip, the present Earl of Longford is descended —
Nicholls' Progresses of James /., iii. p. 258. Col. Pakenham died in November,
1635, and Sir Thos. Culpepper succeeded to the command of the regiment
4 Pakenham to ? This letter, which is unaddressed, is dated at foot,
"out of the army by B«rgen-op-Zon, this 28 of Octo., 1631, newe [style] "
— S. P. Holland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 313
from Rotterdam,1 shows he had "not left the country on
August 30. The loss of his regiment must have been a
great blow to Wimbledon, and, following as it did on the
loss of his wife, and his failure to recover the losses he had
sustained from his London house being burnt down, must
have embittered the last days he spent in the Low Coun-
tries. Wimbledon was not blessed with the apathetic
nature of that man who, when he had suffered a threefold
loss, exclaimed : —
" I've lost my mistress, horse, and wife,
And when I think on human life
I'm glad it is no worse ;
My mistress was lean and old,
My wife was ugly and a scold —
I'm sorry for my horse."
No better proof could be given to show that no disgrace
was attached to Lord Wimbledon's removal from the
colonelcy of his regiment, than the fact that he was still
allowed to retain command of his own foot company,2
which he had commanded for so many years, and had
taken such keen interest in. This company, hitherto
known as " the Colonel's company," was now styled
" Viscount Wimbledon's company," and though its com-
mander never returned to Holland to assume command of
it, it continued to bear his name. In the following autumn,
at the siege of Maestricht, where the gallant Sir Edward
1 See a copy of "The opinion and testimony of the Lord Viscount
Wimbledon, which hath been demanded of him, how fitt it is, and how the
custome hath been in the Netherlands, for his Matles Agents or Residents to
take their places and precedence in the Hagh, or any other place in these
Countries, for the time that he hath lived here." Dated, "the ijg August
from Rotterdam, 1631," and signed, "Wimbledon." — S. P. Holland.
2 He was also captain of a troop of horse, mention of which is made in
Crosse's History of the Netherlands, in a list of the English troops in the States'
service in 1626.
314 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Harwood,1 Lord Oxford,2 Lieut-Col. Proude,3 Capt. Court-
ney,4 and many other brave English officers were slain, it
is recorded that "Viscount Wimbledon's company and
nine others were sent for to assault the breach." 5
At the very time that Wimbledon was preparing to
leave Holland for ever, part of the States' army6 was
gaining a signal victory over a large fleet of the enemy
which had attempted a descent on Zeeland. This water
battle took place on September 7, near Tholen, where the
Spaniards were caught in a trap, being ill acquainted with
the tortuous navigation amongst the islands of Zeeland.
The whole of their fleet was captured, and nearly 5,000
men taken prisoners.7 Lord Vere, Lord Oxford, Lord
Craven, and many gentlemen volunteers, shared in this
splendid Dutch victory.8 Whilst Holland was still ringing
with this victory, news arrived of a great victory gained by
Gustavus Adolphus and the Duke of Saxony over Tilly
and the Imperialists near Leipzig. The whole of Protes-
tant Europe awoke to new life on hearing of the latter
brilliant success. The exiled King of Bohemia determined
1 A tablet, with a long inscription recounting his many services, was erected
on the east wall of the Cloister Church at the Hague, to the memory of this
brave officer, by two of his brother officers, Sir Henry Herbert and Sir
Nicholas Byron, in 1636.
2 Robert de Vere, igth Earl of Oxford, the father of Aubrey de Vere, 2Oth
and last earl.
3 Lieut.-Col. of Pakenham's (late Lord Wimbledon's) regiment.
4 Captain of Colonel Pakenham's own company.
5 Hexham's Journal of the Siege of Maestricht, p. 29.
6 The Prince of Orange had broken up his camp at Drunen the end of
August, putting most of his horse and some companies of foot into the
garrisons of Heusden, Bois-le-duc, and the Grave. The rest of the army he
carried to Bergen-op-zoom. D. Carleton to Lord Dorchester, Aug. 31.
— S. P. Holland.
7 Davies' Holland, ii. p. 580.
8 See a copy of Lord Vere's letter to Lord Dorchester, dated Sept. T4,, 1631.
— S. P. Holland, and endorsed, " My Lord Vere's relation of the victorie of
the Holanders against the Spaniards uppon the rivers of the Low Countreys."
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 315
to leave his wife, his family, and his kind home of so many
years, to join the army of the Swedish monarch, whom he
rightly considered to be the only man in Europe likely to
help him to recover his paternal inheritance. Frederick
applied to Charles of England for leave to join Gustavus,
and, as Charles had just permitted the Marquis of Hamilton
to leave England with 7,000 British recruits to swell the
ranks of the Swedish army, and had likewise despatched
Sir Harry Vane on a mission to Gustavus offering him the
alliance of Great Britain, if the Upper and Lower Palatinate
were both restored to their rightful owner, he could not
refuse his royal consent. So Frederick left his devoted
wife and children for the battle-ground of Germany in
hopes of once more setting foot in the Palatinate. He
lived to have his dream realised in part, but only in part,
for the Palatinate he revisited now was not the Palatinate
that he had left a dozen years before. Fire and sword had
done their deadly work, and even the stately pile at
Heidelberg, where Frederick and his fair young wife had
spent the happiest days of their young married life, had
been ruthlessly destroyed.1 This was bad enough, but
worse was to come. For several wise and politic reasons
the victorious Gustavus, who had driven the invader out
of the Palatinate, delayed in giving back to Frederick
the sovereignty over the reconquered electorate.2 Fate
decreed that it was never to be given back. On Novem-
ber 6, 1632, Gustavus met a hero's death on the field of
Lutzen, and, before the month was over Frederick V.
1 If the fire at Heidelberg Castle was not the work of incendiaries, the
Spanish garrison would hardly have stood with folded arms watching the ruin
caused by the devouring element. — See Harte's Gristavus Aldolphus, ii. p. no.
2 Frederick, being a strict Calvinist, Gustavus hesitated to restore him to
power until he gave guarantees for tolerating the Lutheran religion through-
out his dominions.
316 LIFE AND TIMES OF
died of grief, coupled with disease of long standing, at
Maintz.1
On his return to England, Lord Wimbledon was obliged
to sell some land, being very short of money, and, having
two expensive houses to keep up, as well as four daughters
to provide for, his expenses were great. Strange as
it may seem, he had not yet received all the pay due for
his services as commander of the expedition to Cadiz,
although a warrant for payment of his claim had been
issued by the Privy Council as far back as 1627. On
November I, Lord Wimbledon sold twelve messuages in
the parishes of Wimbledon, Tutney, and Roehampton, to
Walter Lord Aston.2
1 On Nov. 29, 1632.
2 Patent Rolls. — Licence to Edward Viscount Wimbledon to alienate land,
Primo die Novembris, An. 7, Car. I.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 317
CHAPTER VIII.
1632-1638.
Lord Wimbledon as a Privy Councillor and Councillor of War — His efforts to
improve the English army — Resigns the command of his company in the
Dutch service — Tunis his attention to the Portsmouth fortifications — Want
of funds in the Royal Treasury — Wimbledon's remonstrance — Results —
Civilian obstruction at Portsmouth — Wimbledon's appeal to the King on
behalf of the cavalry — A favourable response — Wimbledon entertains the
King and Queen — Beneficial effects of Wimbledon's rule at Portsmouth —
The King's debts — The humble petitions of the Lord Viscount Wimbledon
— He contemplates a third marriage — The new Viscountess — A bold offer
to the King — The Governor's curious letter to the Mayor of Portsmouth —
The Mayor's petition — Wimbledon's letters from Portsmouth — Lady Wim-
bledon gives birth to a son — Taking Time by the forelock — Castles in the
air — Death of the Hon. Algernon Cecil — The effectual humbling of a proud
nature — Illness and death of Edward Cecil Viscount Wimbledon.
WITH the loss of his regiment, the life of Edward Cecil, as
a soldier of fortune, came to an end ; and it had ended in
misfortune.
The last seven years of Lord Wimbledon's life were
occupied with his duties as a member of the King's Privy
Council and Council of War ; also with his important com-
mand at Portsmouth.1
Soldiers seldom make good statesmen ; and Lord Wim-
bledon was no exception to this rule. He had little or no
turn for state-craft, and his presence at the Privy Council
1 At the time we write of, the governor of Portsmouth acted in the double
capacity of commander of the troops and admiral of the port. See letters
and directions from the Lords of the Admiralty to Lord Wimbledon, dated
April 10, 1634, and July 30, 1637. — S. P. Dom.
318 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Board carried little weight with it. Yet, for all this, his
soldiery qualities rendered him a useful committee man,
and he could be thoroughly depended on for carrying out
any work entrusted to him. This accounts for his being
included in so many of the royal commissions which were
of such a varied character, relating as they did to affairs
connected with the Church,1 the Law,2 and the State.3
As a Councillor of War, Wimbledon showed himself in
his best light. For the last twelve years of his life he took
a prominent part in all military councils, and his name
figures in all the military commissions issued by the King.
We have already seen how Lord Wimbledon was instru-
mental in reviving the old English march which had
fallen into disuse;4 and many other military reforms at
this time were due to the same lord's exertions. He was
one of the most prominent members of the Council of War,
and we find that the meetings of this Council were often
held at Cecil House in London and at Wimbledon Manor
House.5 To this Council belonged the fiery Earl of
Dorset, the chivalrous Lord Herbert of Cherbury, the
veteran commander Lord Vere, Master-General of the
1 Lord Wimbledon was named in the royal commission for the repair of St.
Paul's Cathedral, April 10, 1631. — S. P. Dom. And in the commission to
Exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction within England and Wales, Dec. 17,
l633— S. P. Dom.
* In November, 1631, a commission was granted to the Lord High
Constable, the Earl Marshal, and nine lords assistant (one of whom was Lord
Wimbledon), to hold a Marshals' Court for the trial of the difference betwixt
Donald Mackay, Lord Reay, and Mr. David Ramsey. — See account of this
trial in Court and Times, ii. p. 145.
3 In May, 1633, Lord Wimbledon was named in the commission for appoint-
ing a provost-marshal with power to apprehend and punish raisers of tumults
and other rebellious persons. — S. P. Dom.
4 See Chapter VIII., Vol. I.
8 On three occasions in 1631, the Council of War met at Lord Wimbledon's
residence, viz., on Feb. 12, at Cecil House, London, and on April 19 and 21
at Wimbledon Manor House.— See S. P. Dom under these dates.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 319
Ordnance, and some members of the Privy Council who
knew more of state-craft than soldier-craft. As a member
of the House of Commons in the former reign, Wimbledon
had been a strenuous supporter of a Bill to improve the
small arms of the kingdom and make them more service-
able. He had never lost sight of this real object, and was
present at the Privy Council Board when a deputation from
the armourers of London appeared before the Board,1
to petition that all arms brought from beyond the seas
should be marked, and that the London Train bands, and
any soldiers who might be levied for any particular service,
might have good and serviceable arms given them.2 The
Privy Council referred the matter to the Council of War ;
and, consequently, Lord Wimbledon was now able to make
an official report on a matter of such vital importance.
The King's impecunious state made it a delicate matter
to suggest any outlay of money, so Wimbledon ingeniously
pointed out to his Majesty "the way in which Master
Armourers and Gunmakers may be employed and relieved
in this time of peace without charge to the Royal
Treasury." 3 Any scheme for improving his army, or navy,
was always acceptable to Charles, and particularly so
when it was to be effected at a small cost Charles
accordingly issued a commission to Edward Earl of
Dorset, Henry Viscount Falkland, Edward Viscount
Wimbledon, and Horace Lord Vere, authorising them to
hold council together for the business of relieving the
workmen, armourers, and gunmakers. On April 19, 1631,
these four Councillors of War met at Wimbledon House,4
1 On April 21, 1629. — Council Register.
2 Ibid.
3 Suggestions by Edward Viscount Wimbledon, March, 1631. — S. P. Dom.
* See minutes of proceedings of Council of War held at Wimbledon House,
April 19, 1631.— S. P. Dom.
32O LIFE AND TIMES OF
and the outcome of their meeting was a letter to Attorney-
General Heath, directing him to prepare a commission to
certain armourers, pikemakers, gunmakers, &c., for making
and repairing all the arms of the kingdom at the new
rates fixed by the Lords Committee of the Council of
War. These new rates were adhered to for many years
after.1
In the spring of 1633, the Prince of Orange assembled a
large force and marched to Rhineberg, which place he
closely invested. This frontier stronghold, which had long
been in possession of the Spaniards, surrendered early in
June, after a short siege of three weeks. Lord Wimble-
don's company was present at the taking of Rhineberg, and
this was the last occasion on which it bore the name of its
old commander, for, on June 13, Wimbledon resigned the
command of this company, and his long connection with
the Dutch army came to an end. On August 4, 1633, the
Council of State at the Hague passed this resolution : —
"On the certificate of His Excellency of the i3th June last,
issued from the army at Rynberck, a commission is made out
for Philip Graye as captain of the company of M. Cecil, Vis-
count Wimbledon, who has placed the same in the hands of his
Excellency." 2
The old adage that " a new broom sweeps clean " was
well exemplified in the case of the new governor of
Portsmouth. No sooner was Wimbledon installed in com-
1 The rates of all descriptions of arms set down by Lord Wimbledon and
his committee are given in Grose's Military Antiquities, ii. pp. 335-6.
2 From a Dutch memorandum among the State Papers in the King's
Library at the Hague, dated Thursday, August 4, 1633.
Lord Wimbledon must have sent his resignation of the company by letter,
as there is no record of his going over to Holland in 1633. He was one of
those Privy Councillors to whom the king granted a commission in May, 1633,
empowering them to adopt means, in case of necessity, for appeasing tumults,
&c., during his Majesty's absence in Scotland.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 321
mand there, than he set himself the task of repairing and
increasing the fortifications of this important garrison. He
drew up plans of the new works to be erected, and sent for
a surveyor l to make an estimate of the cost of these new
defences, as well as the amount required for repairing the
old. This done, Wimbledon hastened to ask the Privy
Council for the money required to defray the cost of his
improvements, and he also sent a certificate of the amount
of timber required for repairs.2 The result, as has already
been stated, was a royal grant of money and timber. But
not even a royal grant could produce money out of the
exchequer when that exchequer was empty, and, conse-
quently, an unavoidable delay took place before the work
at Portsmouth could be commenced. Months rolled away
and Portsmouth remained in its old neglected state. The
governor and the score of soldiers garrisoning the citadel
were paid irregularly, and these payments were few and
far between.3 Captain Brett, the deputy-governor, sent a
remonstrance to the Privy Council concerning the defence-
less state of Portsmouth and requested a supply of brass
ordnance.4 Lord Wimbledon at last sent a remonstrance
on the state of Portsmouth to the King, and suggested the
levying of a tax all over the kingdom to defray the expense
1 John Mansel was appointed surveyor of the works at Portsmouth, for
which he received I' 4a per diem. Warrant, March 10, 1631. — S. P. Dom.
2 See petition of the Mayor and garrison of Portsmouth to the Council,
with certificate of the Governor annexed. Nov. 26, 1630. — S. P. Dom.
3 The Receipt Books of the Exchequer show two payments from 1630 to 1632
to Lord Wimbledon and the twenty soldiers under his command at Portsmouth.
The first payment was at Easter, 1631, when he received 8J months' pay due at
Christmas, 1630, viz. : .£128 13^. — his pay being.ioj. a day. The twenty soldiers
received their arrears of pay at same time, each soldier being paid at the rate of
8d. a day. The next payment to Lord Wimbledon was at Easter, 1632, when
he received arrears of pay due from Christmas 1630 to Michaelmas 1631, viz. :
£\ 36 i6j. 6d. •
4 Privy Council Register, Jan. 18, 1631-2.
VOL. II. Y
322 LIFE AND TIMES OF
©f putting all forts and castles into a thorough state of
repair.
"The humble Remonstrance of the Lord Viscount Wim-
bledon to his most Sacred Matie concerninge meanes
(wthout his Maties charge) for the Fortifieinge and repair-
einge of Forts, Castles, and Blockhouses, for the Defence
of this Kingdome and especially Portsmouth.
" MAY IT PLEASE Yor MAtle,
" Whereas your Matie out of yor great wisdome and poloticke
care, hath allready put yor whole "Royall Navie in perfect order and
readynes for service, and specially for the defence of yor Kingdome,
and yor antient Comaund of the narrow Seas, by buildinge 6-
repaireinge yor Royall shippes; And not that onlie, but hath
caused all the Marchantes shipps to bee built of a farr greater
burthen then ever they were before in this Kingdome, by allowinge
them a proporcon of money to incorage them to doe it. And this
hath not only bine reported to yor Matie, and undertaken by yor
diligent great Officeres to bee done, but for the more securitie, in a
service of that importance, yor Matie hath not bine contented to
have yor eares to be informed, but yor gratious eyes, as a true
observer, and overseer, of yor owne will 6° direccons, wth soe much
care and paines, performed it in person some three yeares since,
SDC that if yor Matie have had this infinite care for yor Navie, wch
are the true outworkes and Ravelines that defend yor Kingdome,
and upon yor owne charge, when your Thresure was most ex-
hausted, I humblie beseech yor Matie to second such noble and
brave outworkes, wth consideringe the Bullworkes, Bastions and
Rampiers of yor Kingdome, for outworkes are of noe effect wthout
stronge Bullworks, Bastions, and Rampiers likewise. And if I be
not much deceaved, yor Matle may performe this necessary worke
farr more easie and wth less charge then you have done yor former,
by many degrees, otherwise I had not presumed at this tyme, to
have trobled yor Matiea Royall eyes and eares wth this Remonstrance.
For it is, and ever hath bine, a common Nationary Lawe, and
Custome, that the common defence, safety, and securitie of a
People and Kingdome, ought in all reason, and consience, to bee
maynteyned by the common charge of the People, wth as much
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 323
reason, if not more, then to have layed upon particulers, as hath
bine accustomed, and as the lawes and wisdome of this Kingdome
hath peremtorilie sett downe and decreed it, w°h is that it shalbee
lawfull for yor Matie, when and where it shall please you, to fortifie
upon any man's Inheritance whatsoever, for the comon defence
of the Kingdome, wch if it be true that particulers in their In-
heritance doe beare this burthen, noe doubt the lawe would find
it more iust and reasonable in point of State, that the Common
defence should be borne by a comon charge ; And for example
of this particuler, yor Matie cannot have a better example, then
in the tyme of Queene Eliza : of famous memory, yor Ma"68
predecessor, not in the tyme of warr, but in the tyme of a
generall peace wth all the World, as yor Matie hath at this tyme
(God be thanked for it), did fortifie Portsmouth upon the freehold
Inheritance of her perticuler Subiects. Therefore I cann see noe
reson why yor Matie should not lay a generall charge over all the
Kingdome, by some meanes, for the fortifieinge and repaireinge all
such places as shall be thought fitt by yor Mates Counsill of State
and Warr, as well as it is lawfull for you to fortifie upon any manns
Inheritance, wch granted, then I beseech yor Matie give me leave to
saie that there is noe place in yor Kingdome that deserveth more
charge to be bestowed upon it then Portsmouth doth, for the defence,
safetie, and securitie of this Kingdome, for that it is such a place,
in regard of the scituation, of such importance, both that it is sci-
tuated in the midle part of the most dangerous Coastes of this
Kingdome, that Frontiere as it were upon three of the greatest
States and Dominions of all Europe, that is the Low Countries,
France, and Spaine, and is soe scituated, as it is equally ready to
answere all Allarumes, and occasions, both to the west and east of
those dominions, and may be made a place as stronge, if not
stronger, then ever Ostend or Rochell was, wth a small charge, not
worth the nameinge in regard of the consequence. And it hath,
besides the scituation of it self, the Isle of Wight, wch the other had not,
for his out workes, that upon all wind [s] it may be releaved, either,
from thence, or from any other Coasts of the Kingdome, wth small
Boats, though it were Blocked upp wth a fleet of greate shipps. As
for example in the releevinge of the Isle of Rees was demonstrated ;
and the same reason that the place may be releeved from others,
Y 2
324 LIFE AND TIMES OF
soe may this requitt others by releeveinge them. And further, it
standeth in an Island where yor Matie may quarter an Army of
40,000 [4,000] men and victual it self, and yet may draw out any
troopes you shall please to imploy any where else, and to lodge
them most convenient, and the whole Island locked upp wth a
small Fort, and safe from any attempt whatsoever; the whole
Island, beinge inviorned by mooreasses or bogges round about,
that shall need no trench, the like advantage I never knew to be
in any place. And when yor Matie shall have any occasions to be
in yor Armie yor self, there is no Prince that hath a safer and
stronger retraite then that will bee, wthout much arte or cost.
Then it is a place to hold good, when all the country should be
possessed wth an Enimye, witness Ostend and Rochell. If these
reasons where not sufficient, then lett the [se] Consideracons make
upp all the rest, that is (as is best knowne to yor Matie) Portsmouth
Haven is one of the largest and best Havens of this Kingdome, if
not of the World, for that it is capable of yor Maties whole Navie,
where there lyeth a great part at this prsent. And besides many
other Comodities ; besides the mouth of the Haven may be chayned
upp from all danger, and well guarded, if the Round Tower there
were well p'pared and fortified, wch will aske noe great charge ;
soe that there wanteth noe reason to prove that Portsmouth
should not be thought on before any place whatsoever. And rather
at this tyme, that yor Matie hath a generall peace, for it is the
season to provide for warr, accordinge to [the] Proverb that sayeth
that, ' wise men carryeth theire cloakes in faire weather, and those
that are not they carry them in fowle wether.' For Warr is as
uncertaine as the weather is, And yo Matie shall not onlie by pro-
vidinge be ready for Warr, but the likelier to continue in peace.
And as this hath bine a maxime in all ages, soe there is noe tyme
that requireth it more then in these daies, when knowledge and
intentions are of more power then they have bine hithertofore, to
overrunn countries in a yeare or two, that heretofore have bine
many hundred yeares in conqueringe. These consideracons, as I
take it, was the motive that made Queene Elizabeth first to ibrtifie
Portsmouth, when the tymes were not soe dangerous as they are
now, or may be, nor yoi Neibours growne soe mightie as they are,
and when her Thresure was at the lowest. Therefore I hope yo'
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 325
Matie will be as well pleased to repaire Portsmouth as shee was to
build it, and fortifie it anew j for as it is, it is less stronge then
when it was not fortified, for not beinge fortified at all an Enimye
cannot fortifie it but with a great deal more tyme then he cann
assure himselfe of, but as it is now he may surprise it in a night
with a Pettaror otherwise, and beinge repaired may defend it
against any wth ease; and such a place allready fortified, and
soe stronge by scituation, will tempt an Enimie to break a peace,
if it were for nothing else ; for noe Poloticke Enimie will break a
peace wthout first possessinge himself of such an advantage.
Now I have had the bouldnes to show yor Ma the reasons how
necessary it is to fortifie Portsmouth (wthout any great charge)
more then any other place, I thinke it is not amisse to propound
how soe good and necessary a worke may be performed wthout
the loss of more tyme and wth the least charge to yor Matie ; for it
is held a rule in our profession, that he is the best Souldier that
doth his worke well and best cheape, and the hope of performinge
that hath bine the chiefe cause to present to yor Matle a way
how you may repaire all yor Castles and Forts through England,
or at least all those that shall be thought necessary, by a Judgment
of Custome in the 13* yeare of Henry the 4th, that the King may
charge his people of this Kingdome wthout the especiall assent of
the Commons, to any thinge that may bee for the profitt of the
Common people, wch I take it may be done by lawe, and yor Matea
prerogative, as is showne, for otherwise there is noe hope that such
a worke can be performed this way, lett it be never soe necessary,
for people are of such an humour, now adaie, that they will rather
perish then be molested or perswaded ; usinge a comon defence,
wth sayinge, what Lawe is there for it ? The waie by Lawe, and yor
Maties prerogative that I meane, is, by Toles all over the Kingdome
or in any place that shall be thought fittest, and most convenient,
for soe good, great, and necessary worke. And as this money must
come out of the Peoples purses, soe it will concerne all, and the
defence of all ; for it may be upon horses, Coaches, and Cartes,
and Boats, wch is soe much the better, that it will not touch upon
the poorer sort. This Remonstrance I have prepounded out of
my dutie, affeccon, and profession for yor Matle, to putt me in trust
wtb. Therefore I hope yor Matie will not onlie pardon my bouldnes,
326 LIFE AND TIMES OF
but take it into yor more grave Consideracon, and accept my
devotion as from him that prayeth for yor Ma*68 happynes as for
his owne life." l
This remonstrance produced the desired effect. About
a quarter of the original sum granted for repairs at Ports-
mouth was paid to the Governor, and the King himself
wrote to the Lord Treasurer and the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, desiring them to give orders for the delivery
of two hundred additional tons of timber required by Lord
Wimbledon for perfecting the Portsmouth fortifications.2
The small garrison of twenty soldiers was increased seven-
fold, viz. : one master gunner, at iod. per diem \ 15 gunners,
each at &d. per diem ; 14 gunners, each at 6d. ; I ensign, I
armourer, I sergeant, I drummer, I fife, and 100 soldiers,
each at 8d.3 It was further ordered that the soldiers were
to be paid quarterly, "during his Majesty s pleasure."4
On February 7, 1635, the Privy Council issued a warrant
for 300 corslets to be delivered to Lord Wimbledon, or
his deputy-governor, at Portsmouth ; 5 and steps were taken
to send a sufficient quantity of ordnance and ammunition
there.6 All these steps were improvements in the right
direction. Had it not been for Wimbledon's persistent
1 In a clerk's hand, undated and unsigned.
End. " A remonstrance
for the repaire of Forts
and Castells."
—S. P. Dom. Chas. I. 376, No. 66.
2 The King to the Earl of Portland and Lord Cottington, Dec. ? 1634.— S. P.
Dom.
3 Treasury warrant, dated May 25, 1635, to Lord Wimbledon for pay of the
garrison at Portsmouth. — Pells Order Books, 1635.
4 Ibid.
5 Council Register.
6 As far back as June 25, 1632, we find a written statement by Francis
Morice, clerk of the Ordnance, of the ordnance required by Lord Wimbledon
for the fortifications at Portsmouth. — S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 327
importunity, Portsmouth would have remained in the de-
fenceless state in which he found it. His plans for new
works met with but little encouragement from the Mayor
and Corporation of the town, who thought more of the
little gardens of some of the citizens l — that bordered on the
old fortifications, and were threatened with destruction by
the intended new works — than of strong bulwarks to protect
their town and harbour. And the Naval authorities opposed
the demolition of two old rickety storehouses which pre-
vented the soldiers walking the rounds of the walls, and
petitioned the Lords of the Admiralty, to whom these old
houses belonged, to prevent their demolition.2 After much
correspondence on the subject the Lords of the Admiralty
referred the matter to a competent engineer at Portsmouth,
who recommended the pulling down of the houses,3 which
eventually was done. Another important matter had to
be brought before the Privy Council on account of the
mayor's obstruction. This was the rebuilding of a new
sentinel house at the top of the town watch-tower, where
a sentry was always on duty to keep a look-out over the
harbour. When the new governor came to Portsmouth he
found the sentinel house in a very dilapidated state, and
the unfortunate sentry was exposed to the severity of the
weather. The mayor was desired to rebuild this sentinel
house at the cost of the town, but he evidently had
neglected to do so, as we find the Privy Council writing on
March 20, 1635, to the mayor, sharply reprehending him
for not building " a new centinel house at the top of the
steeple, the centinell having to stand there 24 hours, and
1 See petition of the Mayor and Aldermen of Portsmouth to the Privy
Council, June 28, 16^2.— S. P. Dom.
2 See answer from the Lords of the Admiralty, Nov. 15, 1634. — S. P. Dom.
3 Thomas Heath to Lords of Admiralty, Feb. 23, 1635. — 5. P. Dom.
328 LIFE AND TIMES OF
being exposed to the severity of all weathers."1 A few
months after this, £1,000 of the money granted four
years before for repairs at Portsmouth was paid to Lord
Wimbledon,2 leaving the large sum of £1,882 still owing.3
Portsmouth was not the only fortified place Lord
Wimbledon benefited by his military experience. In
June, 1632, he, together with Lords Herbert and Valentia,
received a commission to draw up fit instructions for all
commanders of garrisons and forts in the United King-
dom.4 He likewise received several commissions from the
King to inquire into the state of the Ordnance and survey
the ordnance arms, and ammunition of that department.6
Having given the Ordnance Department a push in the
right direction, Wimbledon turned his attention to the
cavalry — a branch of the army at that time almost com-
pletely neglected. He had already introduced an improved
military saddle into England ; 6 but that was not of much
use when there were but few cavalry soldiers to use it.
Accordingly Lord Wimbledon wrote a treatise entitled,
" Lord Viscount Wimbledon's Demonstration of divers Parts
of War, especially of Cavallerye," and presented the manu-
script to the King to whom it is dedicated, or rather
addressed, throughout.
The following extract is a good sample of the style of
the whole work : —
1 Council Register.
2 July 3°> I63S- — Pells Order Books.
3 Ibid.
4 Proceeding? of the committee of the Council of War, June 27. — S. P.
Dom,
s Commissions to Lord Wimbledon, dated May 17, 1633, and Feb. 1 1635. —
5. P. Dom.
8 Minute of proceedings of the Council of War. Gunmakers required to
bring a pattern of the bastard musket used by Sir Francis Vere, and saddlers a
saddle of the pattern brought by Lord Wimbledon. March 10, 1628. — S. P.
Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 329
" THE DEMONSTRANCE OF CAVALLERYE.
BY
LORD WIMBLEDON.
" Herein I first propound that cheape waye of Henry the fourth
of France, who in time of Peace tooke good care to breede up
Soldiours, and that was this —
" Whensoever any of the Princes, Nobillity, or Gentry, desired to
kiss his hand, hee would tell them they should have bin much
more welcome to him if they had scene the face of the Prince of
Orange (meaninge the Warres by it), and that at their returne if any
Militarie government or place of Command fell, none but such as
bredd themselves Souldiours should bee preferred to them. By
this meanes (which was but the spending of three or four wordes)
hee made the Lowe Countreyes swarme everie yeare for three or
four months with his Princes, his Nobillity and his Gentry, who at
their returning home, made his Court and Kingdome flourish wth
store of brave and worthy Subiects. This device of his hath
made the French Gentry and Nobillity to bee glorious among all
Nations — yea, and hath enabled a young King and a Churchman
(who otherwise had no great experience at the first) to perform so
many great actions. Would your Maiestye now bee pleased but
to countenance Armes and the professors of it, and graciously to
express yo self in that kind, there is no King in the World that
should sooner bee obeyed. No People bee more desirous to doe
anything which they iudge their King will take a likeing of then
the English ; nor had the Kingdome ever so brave a stoare and
spring of younge Gentry and Nobillity as at this present. Enow
of these would fall in love with Armes, would yo Majesty but be
pleased to recommend the Service of Horse unto all such young
Gentlemen as come to kiss yo hands before they go into the Lowe
Countreyes, and to know the reason why so many make choice
to serve among the foote, notwithstanding the greatest and the
bravest Actiones are atchieved by those on horse-backe. The
answer would bee : — ' For that there is more preferment to bee had
among the foote Companies and that by reason there bee fewer
horse Companies.' But they consider not withall that there bee so
33O LIFE AND TIMES OF
many thousands of Foote (for skoors of horses) that live most
misserably and dye unpreferred, still living in hope and never
attayning to it. Of these is the Italian Proverb verified : — ' They
that live by hope shall dye in an Hospitall.'
" In the second place, it would verie much advantage the de-
signe intended would your Maiestye but signify your pleasure by
your Agent in the Lowe Countreyes, that you would take it well
if the English Captains of horse there would entertaine all English-
men into their Companies, as it heretofore was the Custome of their
predecessors. And to speake merryly by yo Maties favour, it
seemeth not a little strange to me that or Nation (against all
reason) should affect the serving on foote so much, and on horse-
backe so little. Notwithstanding wee bee born under St. George
on horse-backe, who is the Saint of all Cavalleria, for whereas the
Saints of all other Nationes hold by the Infanteria and goe on
foote, yet are they more confident in Cavallery which is cleane
contrary. May it not appear dotage in or countrymen that when
they may ride on horseback upon equal termes doe yet choose to
goe on foote. Nay more, that they choose to dye in a ditch rather
than serve among the horsemen, among whome they can want
nothing, no nor feele the missery of a footeman, till by loosing his
horse hee bee enforced to become one of them. Truely, if I
understood of any of my Countrymen that affected a state of life
for Mortification I would commend him to serve on foote.
" This makes me remember the saying of a young Gentleman,
whome in a morning after a rayny night I asked how his Cabbin
held out water. Not so well (saith hee) as my Father's Hoggstye.
But this missery is interpreted for an honnor unto a Gentleman of
meanes, and but a voluntary hardship which he endureth for his
Courage sake ; whereas to a Common Soldiour it is a true misery,
seeing hee neither lives nor dyes in any better condition. This
difference between a horseman and a footeman no man (if I may bee
believed) can trulyer iudg of then myself, who have equally pro-
fessed both of them. But some there may bee, notwithstanding, that
will hugg their owne erronious humours, though they suffer for it.
" And this humorousness of our Nation hath turned all the
English troopes of horse in the Netherlands to bee filled with
Dutches, a thing not used in my time, when I first rodd at the
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 331
nead of my Company ; no, nor in the time of that brave Captaine Sr
Nicholas Parker, my Predecessor, who delivered up his Company
unto me, for this was so brave a troope of horse and so officer'd
as I never saw a gallanter. Brave Englishmen they were, all of
them, who had so longe served in the Warres, as the worst of them
was able to have Commanded the Company. But having spent
these in the battell of Nieuport, partly, and partly in other
Services, I was enforced for want of English to recreut them,
and to make up my Company with Dutches. But these gave mee
so little content that I willingly "gave up my Company of horse
and turned Troope-man, for about this time had the humor of
serving among the foote so generally prevailed wth our Nation that
from sixteen hundred they increased to nyne or ten thousands.
But by this may your Majesty perceive plainely, that would but
the English affect the Cavallery there is no one Nation would bring
more honor to it. The reason is because that naturally they are
so Courageous, and for that there is no part of the Warres that
require so much Courage as this doth, and especially in the Officers,
wch when they bee valiant and couragious, their Example is
wonderfully effectuall to their Companies. Upon these consider-
ations I humbly beseech your Majestye to give Directions and
Encouragements to your Subiects, in the Lowe Countreys to
betake themselves unto the Cavallery, more then they have done
lately.
" The next means for raysing of a Cavalleria in this Kingdome
is for your Maiestye to recommend the brave Exercise of Horse-
manship unto the two Universities (which, to say the troath), are
the true Nursereyes of good breeding to the young Nobillity and
Gentry of your Kingdome for learning. This is a practize of
other Nationes, which (besides the examples) would also doo this
Creditt unto the Universities, that it would both drawe and continue
the young Nobillity and Gentry to them, [seeing they need not
then bee enforced to goo into other Countreys for to learne
this dexterity ; which in the University they might practize
for their Exercize without forgoing the meanes of their other
Learning.
" Besides, who maie better doo it then the Universitys which are
ordained for the learning of all manner of Virtue. Perhappes, too,
332 LIFE AND TIMES OF
were this exercise there sett up, many others would bee moved to
become Benefactors to them." l
The King not only accepted Lord Wimbledon's manu-
script book, but took his advice about recommending " the
service of horse " to his subjects.
" About a fortnight since," wrote the Revd G. Garrard, on June
24, 1635, to Viscount Wentworth, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,"
the King came to the Council, and then he signified his pleasure
that he would take an especial care that the Horse of this Kingdom
should be more looked after than they had been lately. He [said
he] would begin at home with his own servants first. He had
appointed the Captain of the Pensioners to take care that every-
one of the Band kept good and able horses fit for service. Now he
came to his Councillors and invited them to offer. The Secretaries
[of State] began, who are to keep constantly two apiece. The
Treasurer, Comptroller, and Vice Chamberlain, being cavaliers,
offered four apiece. My Lord Cottington six ; Viscount Wim-
bledon eight; my Lord of Holland twelve; the Archbishop of
Canterbury eight ; the rest of the Earls, Councillors, ten apiece.
And I believe they will call on all the nobility of England to do
somewhat more or less in this business. The Proposition is well
liked by all, it being for the honour and strength of the
Kingdom." 2
Charles I. seems always to have been very favourably
disposed to Lord Wimbledon, and to have inclined a
favourable ear to any scheme promulgated by him for the
good of the army. Wimbledon had frequent opportunities
of imparting his plans for reorganisation of the several
branches of the service to his Majesty, as they often met
at the Privy Council Board ; and besides this, his Majesty
was, on several occasions, entertained by Lord Wimbledon.
One of Lord Wentworth's London correspondents mentions
1 Royal MSS. 1 8, C. xxiii. fo. 74, et seq,
2 Tke Straflord Letters, i. p. 434.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 333
two separate occasions on which the King, Queen Henri-
etta Maria, and the little Prince Charles, honoured Lord
Wimbledon with their presence at his house in the Strand.
The first occasion was in April, 1634, when the Earls of
Danby and Morton,1 the two newly elected Knights of the
Garter, rode in great state through London to Windsor,
" the King, Queen, and Prince, dining that day at my Lord
Wimbledon's, and taking up their stand in his balcony." 2
The second occasion was in May, 1635, when the Earl of
Northumberland,3 who had been made a Knight of the
Garter, rode in state through London, on his way to
Windsor to be installed. The following account of the
pageant was sent to Lord Wentworth : —
" My Lord of Northumberland was installed the 13 of the month
at Windsor. Never subject of this Kingdom rode better attended
from his house than he did, nor performed the business more nobly
or more sumptuously. The King, Queen and Prince stood at my
Lord Wimbledon's in the Strand. Thirteen earls and a marquis
rode with him, besides almost all the young nobility and many
barons. I must not forget my Lord Cottington, who was very
rich in jewels and his feather, but in the Spanish way ; and a com-
petent number of the gentry, near an hundred horse in all, besides
his servants, who were fifty, costly and bravely clothed, beyond
any that hath been seen before. Four pages, all earls' sons, two of
my Lord Chamberlain's/ one of my Lord Salisbury's, and the
fourth my Lord of Leicester's. Two footmen, two brave coaches,
with four in livery to drive them. My Lord Clanrickard, his son
and my Lord Dunluce5 were of our company, but not one of the
1 William, 8th Earl of Morton, Lord High Treasurer of Scotland. He
suffered much in the Royal cause during the Civil Wars, and died 1648.
2 Garrard to Wentworth, May I, 1634.— Straffbrd Letters, i. p. 242.
3 Algernon Percy, ioth Earl. He espoused the side of the Parliament in the
Civil Wars, and died 1668.
4 The Earl of Lindsey was Lord Chamberlain at this time.
s Eldest son of the Earl of Antrim. He succeeded as 2nd Earl, and was
created Marquis of Antrim in 1644 and died 1682.
334 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Scottish nation, which was the more observed because many of
our English did the last year that honour unto my Lord Morton.1
There was one thing which Charles was often not able
to give even to his best friends. This was money. He
could not even pay the soldiers, who garrisoned his towns
and forts, regularly,2 much less could he pay long standing
debts contracted in bygone years. At all times pinched
for money himself, there was but little he had to distribute
to the many applicants who clamoured for it. It is only fair
to say he gave all he could. Never was the line —
" I give thee all, I can no more,"
more applicable to any honest bankrupt than it was to
Charles I. Men of property like Lord Wimbledon could
afford, however inconvenient it might be, to wait for their
pay. But there were many who could not, and amongst
this latter greater number were the poor soldiers at Ports-
mouth. It is not surprising, therefore, to find that some
of them eked out a precarious livelihood by exercising
the callings of alehouse-keepers, tailors, and carpenters.
This was against orders, but was probably winked at by
1 Garrardto Wentworth, May 19, 1635.— Str afford Letters, i. p. 427.
2 The following warrants for payment of the garrison of Portsmouth show
how greatly in arrear these payments were : —
On July 29, 1635, half a year's pay to the garrison at Portsmouth, due at
Midsummer, 1634.
By order, March 8, 1636, half a year's pay to the same, due at Christmas,
1634.
By order, May 25, 1636, half a year's pay to the same, due at Midsummer,
1635-
On Dec. 8, 1637, half a year's pay to the same, due at Midsummer, 1636.
On Feb. 20, 1638, half a year's pay, due Christmas, 1636.
On June 7, 1638, half a year's pay, due Midsummer, 1637.
On Jan. 19, 1640, a privy seal was granted to Sir Christopher Wray, Knt.
executor to Lord Wimbledon, for .£825 \2s. &d. for half a year's pay to garrison
at Portsmouth. — Auditors Privy Seals.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 335
the officers during the governor's absence, as it tended to
keep the soldiers from clamouring for the pay which the
officers had not the power to procure. The days were fast
approaching when the money spent on the Portsmouth
fortifications, and the ^"1,500 per annum to the little
garrison there, would bear good interest, and the foresight
of Lord Wimbledon in making Portsmouth one of the
strongest royal garrisons would be appreciated by the
King, when sore pressed by his enemies and not knowing
where to turn for safety.1 In the meantime Wimbledon
got no credit for the strong works he had raised at Ports-
mouth, and we find that able man, Sir Kenelm Digby
speaking sneeringly of him and styling him " that provident
governor of towns." 2 It is more than doubtful if Digby,
the philosopher and scholar, would have served his Majesty
as zealously as Cecil the soldier, if he had lost as much
in that service as the Governor of Portsmouth had done,
as we shall presently see. It will be remembered that in
1627 the Privy Council issued a warrant for the payment
°f .£3*344 to Lord Wimbledon, due to him for his arrears
of pay whilst in the King's service. That warrant, like
many others of the same kind, received no attention at the
hands of the Lord Treasurer, or the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. To get money from these sorely pressed
servants of his Majesty's, was as hard and impossible a
task as " taking the breeks off a Highlander," for they, like
the ideal Scotchman, were destitute of what was demanded
from them. A favoured few were at times able to cash
the privy seals which his Britannic Majesty generously
distributed to his creditors. But many of these same privy
1 When the Civil Wars broke out, Portsmouth was held for the King by
Colonel Goring, who had succeeded Wimbledon in the command, and at one
time it is said the King and Queen thought of taking refuge there.
2 Digby to Conway, Jan. 21, 1637. — 5. P. Dom.
336 LIFE AND TIMES OF
seals became dormant and required the most strenuous
exertions on the part of the recipients to bring them to life
again. Large arrears of pay were due to many of the
officers who had taken part in the Cadiz, Rhe\ and Ro-
chelle expeditions ; and they, in common with the executors
and relatives of deceased officers, clamoured for the settle-
ment of their just claims. In the summer of 1632, Lord
Wimbledon once more brought his case before the Privy
Council, and they issued a warrant to the Lord Treasurer
and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, praying and requiring
them to pay the sum of ^"1,265 to Lord Wimbledon.1 This
warrant met with better luck than the last, and Wimble-
don's claims were reduced to £2,079. Like all needy
people, be they kings or private individuals, Charles used
often to anticipate the receipts of his revenue and give
orders to the Chancellor of the Exchequer to pay certain
sums out of prospective income. We find in a list of
payments to be made out of anticipated receipts of his
Majesty's revenue in 1633, the sum of £600 to be paid to
Lord Wimbledon.2 This amount was also paid in due
1 " At Whitehall, 22th of June, 1632.
"An order for the paym* \ " It was this day ordered that the Lo. Tresr.
of 1265" unto the I and the Lo. Cottington, Chanc. of the Excheq',
Lo. V. Wimbledon." ) should be hereby prayed and required to give
effectuall order for the issuing of the some of twelve hundred threescore and
five pounds out of his Matie* Excheq', unto Capt. John Mason, Tresr. and
Paymr of his Matie' late Armye, for the paym* of pte of the Arreares due to
the Lo. V. Wimbledon, for his Entertaynem* in his Voyage to Cadiz. The
said some of twelve hundred threescore and five pounds to be issued by
Virtue of the Privie Seale Dormant, Dated the second of July, 1629, for
the paym* of officers and souldiers. For wch this shalbe unto theire Lopps.
a sufficient warrant.
Signed.
"Lo. Privie Seale "Lo. Bp. of London.
"Lo. Chamblaine " Mr V. Chamblaine.
' ' Ea. of Kelley « • Mr Secre. Coke."
Council Register.
* See list of prospective payments, April 4, 1633. — S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 337
course, and Wimbledon's claim was reduced to ^"1,479.
In a list of officers to whom arrears of pay were due on
June i, 1633, we find the names of many who served in
the Cadiz Expedition.1 Many of the names are noted as
those of deceased officers whose representatives claimed the
pay. The arrears amounted altogether to £9,737 9-f. io^.2
In the following year we find Lord Wimbledon, and a
special committee of the Council of War, hard at work
examining Lord Valentia's accounts as Master of the
Ordnance in the Cadiz voyage, and settling the amount
due for this nobleman's services.3 Another year passed
away and Wimbledon saw himself no nearer the payment
of his claim. For a weighty domestic reason it was of
great consequence to him to get hold of all the money due
to him, so he followed the example of many others and
petitioned the king as a last resource.
"To THE KING'S MOST SACRED MAtie.
" The humble peticon of the Lord Viscount Wimbledon.4
" MAIE IT PLEASE Yor MAtie.
" I have forborne peticoninge yor Matie until now (in regard of
yor manie occasions that I did imagine yor Matie hath had to
imploy yor moneys) though to the prjudice of my fortune, that is
not great, for by reason of my chargeable services heretofore
performed, both to yor Matie <Sf yor Gratious Father to me, I have
1 See a list of arrears due to officers for services in the Cadiz, Rhe, and
Rochelle expeditions, June I, 1633. — S. P. Dom. In this list Lord Wimbledon
is put down at " £66$ I2J." The remaining eight hundred and odd pounds
claimed by him for " extraordinaries " being omitted in this list.
2 Ibid.
3 The sum of ,£973 2s. lod. was found to be due to Lord Valentia. See
proceedings of the Council of War, May 7, 1634. — S. P. Dom.
4 This petition, which is in a clerk's hand, is unsigned and undated. It has
been calendared under the year 1634 in S. P. Dom, 280, No. 78, but I think
it must have been written early in 1635.
VOL. II. Z
338 LIFE AND TIMES OF
bine forced to sell some of my Patrimonie, to accomodate my
selfe, [with] part of wch moneys I bought a Lease of my Lord of
Salsbury, the rest I have layed out in yor Mates service, for the
wch I doe here peticon yor Matie for, wch is for the arrere of my
paie and for the extraordinarie charge wch is allwaies allowed to
Ambassado™ 6° Generalls for their extraordinaryes, and as I my
self was allowed, wch the account of the Exchequer can wittnes,
soe likewise for 7 yeares unpaied of the silke Farme, my Partners
of that Lease haveinge bine well paid, but not my self, to my
great grief 6° wrong, the perticulars somes whereof are heare
annexed. Wherefore in most humble manner, as yor Matie is a
most gratious and just Prince to all, soe I hope will be to me, of
wch I doe nothinge doubt, for I did never offend yor Matie in all
my life, and I hope in God never shall, neither have I neglected
anie tyme yor Mates service, when my health would permitt me,
neither have I bine an unprofitable servant to yor Matle, for it was
my indeavour onlie that prsented my noble Lo. Duke wth the
designe of the extorted fees, to prsent yor Matie withall, and have
this 4 or 5 yeares followed it, wth yor Mates other Commissioners,
to that perfection that yor Mates coffers hath already received good
profitt from it, and maie receave manie thousands more, if it
be well followed, besides the good it maie bringe to yor subjects,
that groane under the burthen of extortion, but this I doe not
bringe in to have anie recompence, for that all the service I am
able to performe is but my dutie; but I humblie beseech yor
Matie that though I looke for noe recompence, soe I looke
for noe punishment, for when one is paied in the same kind
and an other not paied, it is punishment both to reputacon
and fortune.
" Therefore in most humble manner, I hope yor Matie out of yor
gratious favour 6* Justice, will not lett my modesty, that hath
never peticoned yor Matie before, suffer soe manie yeares as I
have done without solisitation of so just a debt, that is as I take
it soe reasonable and soe consionable. And soe in all duty, w*
my prayers for yor Matie8 long 6° happy daies, I heare in all duty
attend yor Mates pleasure.
""What I have receaved and what I ought to receave from the
Rilke farme accountinge from the yeare 1624 : —
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL.
339
" Monies
that I
have
receaved.
" What
I
ought
to
receave
" Receaved of Mr. Williams, the pay-
master of the customes, at Midsomer li
in the year 1624, for half a year . . 250
" Receaved out of the Exchequer
for Christmas in the year 1624 . . 250
" Receaved out of the Exchequer
for Midsomer and Christmas, 1625 . 500
" For 9 yeares after I receaved but
2 yeares, wch was by the handes of Sr
Abraham Dawes, by order from my
Lord of Portland 1,000
" Soe that I am behinde of my Lease of 3,000
the Silke farme
" And for the arreare of my pay ... 665
" For the Extraordinaryes of the same
jurney 800
" wch in all is li. 4,465."
The above petition not producing the desired effect, the
petitioner followed it up with another : —
" To his most Sacred Ma"e
" The humble petition of the Lord
" Viscount Wimbledon.
" SHEWETH
" Whereas there are 4300 li. due from yor Matle unto yor
petitioner, wch have bine alreadie audited ; that since yor coffers
are not so full at this time as I hope they will be, it may please
yor Matie out of yor gratious favour (as you have done by others
in like kinde) if he shall find out some Revenue of Land that
shall not any waie lessen yor Ma*8 Revenue, that yor Matie would
be gratiouslie pleased he may have such a Graunt thereof as may
satisfie so much of the foresaid debte, that yor Petitioner and
Servant may be the better enabled wth his best fortune to p'forme
all service. And that yor Matle will be pleased to cause a
Reference to be made to the Lord Thser [Treasurer] of England
and the Lord Cottington, yor Mats Chancellor of the Exchequer,
Z 2
340 LIFE AND TIMES OF
that if then, their Lo1* shall thinck this fitt and convenient to be
done, that then it would please yor Matie to graunt unto yor
Petitioner a Privy Seal to passe soe much land, unsold, that may
satisfie that debte due unto him.
" And he shall thinck himself most bound unto yor Matie.
"And according to his Dutie to praie for yor Ma*8
" Long and happy daies." l
The Exchequer records 2 contain no entry of any pay-
ment to Lord Wimbledon of the amount he claimed in the
foregoing petitions ; but the absence of any further petitions
of his to the King would lead one to suppose that his
claim was eventually paid. As a Privy Councillor, Wim-
bledon had numberless opportunities of reminding the
King and the Privy Council of what was owing to him ;
and it would appear from the following note made by
Nicholas, the Clerk of the Council, of the proceedings of
the Council on December 9, 1635, that Wimbledon was
able, with the assistance of the Council, to extract some
money from Philip Burlamachi3 — the Rothschild of the
early part of the reign of Charles I. : —
" Mr. Burlamachi is to satisfy Lord Wimbledon. Mr. Barker,
steward to Lord Wimbledon, to be sent for to render him his
rent rolls."4
This vague memorandum is the only reference to any
" satisfaction " received by Lord Wimbledon in the way of
money.
1 Undated and unsigned. — S. P. Dom, 280, No. 79.
* I have searched in vain through the Auditors' and Pells' Order Books,
Patent and Privy Seal Books, Treasury -warrants, &c., &c, for any payment of
money or grant of land to Lord Wimbledon at this time.
3 The banker who received and accounted for that portion of Queen
Henrietta Maria's dowry payable in France. He lived at Putney, so may have
been a tenant of Lord Wimbledon's.
4 From a manuscript book of notes made by Nicholas at the Council Table,
Dec. 9. i6tf—S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 341
The anxiety shown by Wimbledon to bring his claims
to a satisfactory conclusion was caused by his contem-
plating a third marriage.
Wimbledon had reached that sad period of life when we
see our relatives, friends, and contemporaries, dying fast
around us, and leaving us every year more friendless and
alone. He had lately seen his old companions in arms,
Edward Viscount Conway,1 Walter Earl of Buccleuch,2
and Horace Lord Vere,3 pass away from this life very
suddenly. He knew he might be the next to pay the debt
of nature, but he yearned, as only the old can yearn, for a
son to inherit his title and estates. Therefore, for the sake
of heritage, he determined to marry again, as the following
letter plainly sets forth.
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO SIR EDMUND SCOTT.
" S* EDMUND SCOTT,
" Give me leave out of the accompte and recconing of or old
acquaintance to desire the Cortesie at yor hands to remember my
humble services to or most gratious Lord, and to lett his Lopp
know that whereas I told him that I had an intent to Marry, when
I was last wth his Lopp, soe now I have a full resolution and
fixed, which is wth the daughter of the late deceased Sr Edward
Souche, and because it is now the fall of the leafe, I desire some
hast for fear of the fall of the fleshe ; therefore I humbly beseech
1 Edward Conway, knighted by Robert Earl of Essex at the sacking of
Cadiz in 1596, was for some years governor of Brill in Holland. He was
raised to the Peerage as a Baron by James I., and appointed Secretary of
State, which office he held for many years. Charles I. created him Viscount
Kiltullagh in the Irish Peerage, and Viscount Conway. He held the
appointment of governor of the Isle of Wight, and died in January, 1632.
2 Walter Scott, Earl of Buccleuch, commanded a Scotch regiment in
Holland for many years, and died quite suddenly on his return to England in
1633. Garrard to Wentworth, Dec. 6. — Strafford Letters, i. p. 166.
3 Horace Vere, Lord Vere of Tilbury, retired from the service of the States
in December, 1633, and died of apoplexy, when at a dinner party, May 2, 1635.
He was buried by his brother Sir Francis Vere in Westminster Abbey, May 8.
342 LIFE AND TIMES OF
his Grace to give me both his License and blessing, for that old
men need all the helpe that may be that is to marry a younge
Maide as I am, and soe I rest,
" Yor much affectionate friend
" to serve you,
" WlMBALDON.
"The name of the ptie [party] is Sophia Souch."
Add. " To his very worthie friend Sr Edmund Scott, knight,
give these." l
This letter brought the desired license from the Arch-
bishop ; and, about the last week in September, 1635, Lord
Wimbledon was married to Sophia Zouch, the eldest
daughter of Sir Edward Zouch,2 of Woking, Surrey, knt.
This marriage of a war-worn veteran of sixty-three to a
young girl of seventeen occasioned some surprise in an age
1 Sept ? 1635. S. P. Dom, Chas. I., cccxxxii. No. 69. Sealed with crest — a
wheatsheaf surmounted by a coronet, and having two supporters. This letter
is in a clerk's hand, but signed by Wimbledon, who about this time took to
spelling his name Wimbaldon.
2 Sir Edward Zouch was great grandson of Sir John Zouch, a younger
brother of the half-blood to Richard Lord Zouch of Harringworth, tempo
Edward VI. He was one of James the L's especial favourites, and had on
several occasions entertained that monarch at Woking Manor House, which
had been granted to him by James, in 1620, by the service of carrying up the
first dish to the king's table, and those of his successors, on St. James's Day, at
dinner on that day, wherever his Majesty should be in England, and at same
time should pay £100 of coined gold of coin of the realm. Sir Edward Zouch
died June 7, 1634, and was buried in Woking church, where is a tablet to his
memory. He was succeeded in his estates by his son, James Zouch, who
appears, from his father's will, to have been illegitimate ? In this will, dated
June 6th, and proved 1 3th same month, " he committed his soul to his
heavenly Father by the merits of the blood of Jesus Christ, which was shed
for him, which he steadfastly believes, that his sins were drowned in the
bottomless sea, and shall never rise up in judgment against him." " For my
body," says he, " I desire to have it buried in Wooking church by night. I
give to my daughter Sophia £2500 ; to my daughter Doll ^1500 ; to my
daughter Bess ^1500 ; to my son Alan j£loo a year for term of life. ... to
my son Ned ,£100. . . . Item I allow James Zouch £200 a year till my debts
and daughiers' portions are paid.'' — Manning's Surrey, i. p. 124.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 343
when "youth and crabbed age" were very frequently
united in the holy bonds of matrimony.
" My Lord of Wimbledon, of whose valour, no man I think,
ever doubted in his youth," wrote a worthy courtier on October
1 6, "hath now in his age shewed himself no less valiant and
venturous, having maryed the young daughter (of 17 years old) of
Sr Edward Zouch, deceased, with such assurance to himself of
having children by her, as before he maryed he durst offer the
king fyve hundred pounds to free his future heyer from ward
ship." i
The veteran bridegroom found time during his honey-
moon to write a very sharp letter to the Mayor of Ports-
mouth, reprehending him for the townsmen not taking off
their hats to a statue of King Charles,2 and ordering
proper respect to be paid to this statue on pain of the
Governor's displeasure. This letter,3 or rather order, seems
to have caused a good deal of murmuring at a time when
respect for royalty was at a very low ebb indeed. An
excess of loyalty may be deemed quixotic ; but surely it is
a mistake on the right side, and, if Wimbledon went to
extreme lengths in a matter of punctiliousness, it was
doubtless caused by seeing the extreme lengths many of
the king's subjects were going, in the dangerous course of
disloyalty.
1 Sir John Finet to ? October 16, 1635. Printed in the report of
the Earl of Denbigh's MSS. in the 6th Report of the Royal Commission on
Historical MSS. part i. p. 283 b.
2 In a History of the Town of Portsmouth, published in 1801, this statue is
thus referred to : —
" On a house in High St. is a fine bust cast in brass of Charles I., in a niche,
erected after his return from Spain, which was on October 5> 1623," p. 20.
Horace Walpole says this bust of King Charles was erected by Lord Wimble-
don. See Royal and Noble Authors, ii. p. 302.
3 This letter is published in Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors, ii. p. 306,
from a transcript by Dr. Lort. The copy that I now give is taken from
Walpole's, excepting the heading and signature, which I have taken from the
copy in S. P. Doni. (Conway Papers).
344 LIFE AND TIMES OF
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO THE MAYOR OF PORTSMOUTH.
" Mr MAIOR AND THE REST OF Yor BRETHREN,
" Whereas, at my last being at Portsmouth, I did recommend
the beautifying of our streets, by setting in the signs of your
inns to your houses, as they are in all civil towns; so I
must now recommend it to you more earnestly, in regard of his
majesty's figure or statue that it hath pleased his majesty to honor
your town with, more than any other, so that these signs of your
inns do not only obscure his majesty's figure, but outface it, as you
yourselves do well perceive. Therefore, I desire you all to see
that such an inconveniency be not suffered, but that you will
cause that against the next spring it be redressed ; for that any
disgrace offered to his majesty's figure is as much as to himself;
to which end I will and command all the officers and soldiers not
to pass by it without putting off their hats.
" I hope I shall need to use no other authority to make you
do it, for that it concerneth your obedience to have it done,
especially now you are told of it by myself.
" Your assured friend
" WlMBELDON. *
" Oct 22.
I635-
"To his worthy friend the Maior of Portsmouth these be
delivered." 2
A few weeks after the receipt of this letter, we find the
Mayor and Aldermen of Portsmouth lodging a complaint
against the governor and garrison with the Privy Council.
The Governor, they said, had imprisoned the collector of
the ship-money tax for twenty-four hours on being told by
one of the soldiers that the collector had spoken disre-
spectfully of him (the governor). As for the soldiers of the
1 This is evidently a mistake of the copyist, and ought to have been
'• Wimbaldon."
2 From a copy of the original. S. P. Dom. Chas I. ccc. No. 30. The original
is said to have been received at Portsmouth 10 Nov.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 345
garrison, the Mayor said some of them had, in disobeyance
of the Governor's orders issued in 1633, interfered with the
trade of the town by following the callings of tailors, ale-
houses keepers and carpenters. The names of the offenders
were sent to the Privy Council by the Mayor, who said the
Governor's severity to the collector, and the open dis-
obedience of the soldiers " struck a terror in the townsmen,
and discouraged them in doing His Majesty's service." l
The citizens of Portsmouth took badly to military discip-
line after the lax rule of the d&onnaire Lord Pembroke ;
and their struggles to free themselves from a military yoke
were generally made in Lord Wimbledon's absence, as
appears from a letter of one Capt. William Towerson,
Deputy Vice-Admiral, at Portsmouth, to Nicholas, on
May 6, 1636, in which he says he hears Lord Wimbledon
is expected at Portsmouth in a few days, " so the business
must sleep until another year." 2
The following letters written in the summer of 1636 are
interesting, as they refer to the sailing of Sir John Harvey
(Governor of Virginia) for America, and the collection of
" ship-money " at Portsmouth.
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO SIR F. WINDEBANK.
" MOST NOBLE Mr SECRITARYE.
" I have receaved yor letter, wch you pleased to honour mee
wthall, the 8th of August at midnight, wth the letter and coppye
to the Mayor, for the redressing of this governement of his
Maties, for wch I give you as meny thankes as if it had come
sooner, for that I see thereby, that although yor many affay™ of
1 See Petition of Mayor and Aldermen to Privy Council, Dec. 18, 1635. —
S. P. Dom.
2 Towerson was Deputy Vice-admiral for Hants, under Jerome, Earl of Port-
land, Captain of the Isle of Wight, and Vice-Admiral for Hants. It does not
appear from his letter to Nicholas what his complaint against Wimbledon was.
LIFE AND TIMES OF
State, & in soe long time, yn have not forgott mee nor the
service.
" For yor letter to Sr John Harvey, according to yor direction, I
heere send you backe againe; for that Sr John Harvey is not
heere. And I am sorrye to see a journey of such charge, that
hath soe many passengers that attend it, lye heere soe long,
spending their victuall, and moneye, so unnecessarye, for they
were heere before I came, and since a month. Therefore I doe
not wonder that such journeys of or Nation prosper noe better.
" I find now why my Lo : Cottington did soe much desire my
comming; wch was to meete the Inquisicon, that is brought
hither wth my Lo : of Neiuport,1 and others, not onlye to
muster us, but to search us to the very sinewes; wch 1 hope
wee shall answere like honest men, though wee suffer all the
inconvenience that can bee thought on, as not to bee payed
that little pay his Matie alloweth, and yet to bee soe strictly
inquired after, as to bee lessoned that, wch all others have beene
formerly allowed of, & who labour to defend and repayre this
towne, while orselves are falling into ruine; but patience will
heale greater wounds. And soe wth my humble thankes for all
yo Noble and readye Favours, I rest,
" Your most humble and
" Faythfull servant,
" WIMBLEDON.
" Portsmouth, August 9°
1636." 2
VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON TO SIR F. WINDEBANK.
" NOBLE Mr SECRITARYE,
" I receaved yor letter dated the 1 6th of August, the same day
at night, gladly entertayning anye service that may concerne his
Matic, or yor particular, as any servant yu have. For Sr John Harvies
1 Mountjoy Blount, illegitimate son of Charles Blount, Earl of Devonshire,
by Lady Penelope Devereux, the divorced wife of Robert Lord Rich, was
created Baron Mountjoy in the Irish Peerage by James I., and in the following
reign was made a Barori of England, and further advanced in rank by the title
of Earl of Newport. He succeeded Lord Vere of Tilbury as Master General
of the Ordnance in 1635.
8 In a clerk's hand, but signed by Wimbledon.— S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 347
letter, I shall bee carefull to give it, rather than send it backe,
for he is soe farr from being gone, that his people heere cannot
heare of hime, and for oure parts, wee could wish hee were departed,
for that theyre cometh dayle soe menye from London to goe wth
hime, that wee feare they may bring that ill to us, wch thancks
bee to god as yet wee are cleare of; and for hast of the journye
wee see little, for that this day they are unloading their shipp
of their ordinance, and Cables, & their most waightye loadings,
to search for a Leake in her, being a most Crayse & old shipp.
"And if you have not heard of it, a worse chance hath
happened heere, of one Sr Ellis Hicks, Cap1 of the 4th Whelpe
who transported my Lo : Danbye, and landed heere with 60
men, that were saved out of his Shipp, wch coming to Jersey
splitt her selfe upon a Rocke by the shore, in sight of all the
people there standing. Thus leaving my ill newes, I rest, wishing
you all the happiness that yor selfe can imagine, and my self
an occasion to assure you, how much I am,
" Your most humble and
" devoted servant
" WIMBAI.DON.
" God's howse in Portsmouth
"the i7th of August 1636." l
A long wished for event now took place which made fair
promise to brighten the last few years of Lord Wimble-
don's life, and obliterate from his memory some of the
disappointments and reverses of fortune which had cast
their shadow over the evening of his life. This event was
the birth of a son and heir. " Lord Wimbledon's lady was
delivered of a son the Friday before Christmas," wrote one
of Sir Thomas Puckering's correspondents on January 4,
1 In a clerk's hand, but signed by Wimbledon, endorsed, "17 Aug. 1636,
Lo. Vic. Wimbledon, rec. the same evening at 8 at night." — S. P. Dom.
Government House at Portsmouth was formerly a priory called God's
House, built by William of Wykeham, whose brother was prior of it. At the
dissolution of religious houses by Henry VIII. it was converted into a dwell-
ing house for the governor of the garrison.
LIFE AND TIMES OF
I637.1 On the last day of December, 1636, Lord Wimble-
don's heir was baptized at St. Mary's Church, Wimbledon,
and received the name of Algernon.3
If adversity is at times necessary to human beings to
put a wholesome check on their natural tendency to pride
and vainglory, then must prosperity be a most dangerous
state to us weak mortals. We have few memoirs of Lord
Wimbledon after the birth of his son ; but Sir Kenelm
Digby3 writing to Lord Conway4 on January 21, i637,5
refers to a letter written by "the noble, valiant, and
ingenious Peere, the Lord Wimbledon," which epistle
seems to have afforded considerable amusement to the
cynical Kenelm Digby. This letter of Wimbledon's has
long been dead, and no record of its contents has survived ;
but written as it was when everything seemed bright and
fair to the happy father who penned it, some allowance
must be made for its contents which were doubtless of an
1 Mr. E. R ? to Sir T. Puckering, Jan. 4, 1636-7.— Court and Times,
ii. p. 261.
2 In the baptismal register of St. Mary's Church, Wimbledon, for the year
1636, is this entry : —
" Allgernoune Cecill the sonne of the Right Honrble Lorde Edward Cecill
Viscount Wimbleton, and the honorable La. Soephia his wyffe was baptized
the 3 ist December."
8 He was son of Sir Everard Digby, and was one of the greatest philosophers
of the 1 7th century. It would appear from the following account of Lady
Digby that her talented husband was very wanting in plain common sense.
" Venetia Anastasia Stanley, dau. and co-heir to Sir Edward Stanley, K.B.,
of Tonge Court, Salop, a lady of extraordinary beauty and figure was married
to Sir Kenelm Digby. He was so enamoured with her beauty that he
attempted to raise her natural charms, and preserve her health by a variety of
whimsical experiments. He fed her with capons, fattened by the flesh of
vipers, and introduced into England the great au&fomatia as a medicine for
the use of his lady. He was perpetually inventing new cosmetics, and it is
thought she fell a victim to these unnatural arts, for she was found dead in
her bed, May I, 1633, in the 33rd year of her age." — From a note in Blore's
Bitrghley House Catalogue, p. 131.
4 Edward, 2nd Viscount. He died in 1655.
4 Dated from Paris, where Digby was then residing. — 6". P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 349
extra ambitious seeking nature. Pride and ambition were
the Scylla and Charybdis on which Edward Cecil had so
often struck against in his voyage through life. And, after
many shipwrecks, he was once more sailing in dangerous
proximity to those fatal rocks. Of all the many snares
cast in the paths of rich mortals, the advent of a son and
heir to their estates after many years of anxious expecta-
tion, is perhaps one of the greatest. Idols are not always
made of wood, stone, or the precious metals. They are
just as often of flesh and blood, and are just as apt to
ensnare us. The cradle is but a step from the grave, and
at the time we write of it was a very short step indeed, for
the mismanagement of children was so great that the
mortality amongst infants of tender years was very large.
Yet even then parents strove to obtain honour and pros-
pective lucrative posts for their idiolised heirs — honours
which the recipients often never lived to enjoy, and posts
which they perhaps never lived to fill. At the coronation
of Charles I. two of the Knights of the Bath made on that
occasion were children.
" Of the knights of the Bath," wrote Mr. Mead to Sir Martin
Stuteville, a few days after the king's coronation, " The first
was the Earl of Denbigh's son, a Viscount ; next the Lord
Strange ; 1 and two of them were children, the Lord Buckhurst,
the Earl of Dorset's son of four or five years old, and my Lord
of Walden's eldest son of some two years, brought in his lady
mother's arms." 2
Lord Wimbledon could hardly aspire to such an honour
as the Bath for his young heir, but he was just as ready to
anticipate the future. We have already seen how he durst
offer £ 500 to his needy sovereign to free his yet unborn
1 Baron Strange, son and heir of William Stanley, 6th Earl of Derby.
* Mead to Stuteville, Feb. n, 1626. — Court and Times, i. p. 80.
35O LIFE AND TIMES OF
heir from wardship, and, as soon as this heir was born, he
had the name of the " Hon. Algernon Cecil " put down on
the Foundation list of Westminster School.1 These early
provisions for the future welfare of Algernon Cecil were
unfortunately destined to be needless, for death, who
spares neither old nor young, rich nor poor, lord nor
peasant, laid his cruel and relentless hand on the little
heir to the Wimbledon title and estates, and removed
him from a world which he had not inhabited long
enough to derive any benefit from his existence in it.
The exact date of Algernon Cecil's death, or the place of
his death, have not yet been discovered.2 He must have
died before the close of 1637, when Lord Wimbledon wrote
and signed his last will. This document, written just a
year before the testator's decease, is wholly devoid of pride,
and shows an aversion, instead of a desire, for any of those
senseless and useless post-mortem honours which have at
all times been so prevalent at the funerals of the rich.
There are some misfortunes that take the shadow off the
grave and humble the proudest natures. The loss of his
son doubtless crushed the life, as well as the pride, out of
Edward Cecil's elastic nature. He had suffered several
severe domestic afflictions in previous years, as well as
reverses to his arms and fortune. The elements too had
been his relentless foes on land and sea. It would be
1 I am indebted for this interesting information to Dr. Scott, late head
master of Westminster School, who in reply to a letter of mine, asking if the
name of " Edward Cecil " was to be found on any list of Westminster scholars,
wrote as follows on Jan. 26, 1882. — " I have examined the Clutas Alumnorum,
and find the name of Algernon Cecil (nobilis) as elected head of his year on
the Foundation. He is noted as a son of Lord Wimbledon who died young,
and was born from a third wife. There is unfortunately no record but this
of Sir E. Cecil, but it is obviously probable he may have been a Westminster
scholar."
2 He may have died and been buried at Woking, but I am informed by the
Vicar of that parish that the registers do not commence until 1651.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 351
wrong to say these, or any of these, misfortunes were sent
as judgments by that Higher Power to whom pride is so
displeasing, but we all know that our natures must be
purified from their corruptions before we are ready to
be taken to our eternal home, and this last and greatest
affliction which God thought fit to lay upon Edward
Cecil, humbled his proud spirit at last.
We have no records of his last days, but it would seem
from his absence from the Privy Council Board for some
months previous to his decease, that failing health prevented
him from attending to his duties. It was doubtless also
his bad state of health that caused his name to be omitted
from the list of new Lords Lieutenant of counties, appointed
on November n, 1638 — Lord Wimbledon having been one
of the Lords Lieutenant for Surrey since 1626.
On November 16, 1638, the Right Hon. Edward Cecil,
Viscount Wimbledon, departed this mortal life at his house
at Wimbledon, in the 68th year of his age. Thus once
again had the veteran soldier come face to face with death,
and this time death vanquished him, but it was a victory
that could not be followed up, for the stricken soldier had
gone where death had no more dominion over him.
352 LIFE AND TIMES OF
CHAPTER IX.
" And when I lie in the green kirkyard
With the mould upon my breast,
Say not, that ' he did well,' or, ' ill ! '
Only—' he did his best.' "
" The last Will of the Lord Wimbledon of Wimbledon, written
in the yeare, 1637.
" In the name of God the Father, God the Sonne and God the
Holy Ghost, I, Edward, Lord Cecyll, Baron of Putney, and
Viscount Wimbledon of Wimbledon, beinge the first of November
after my third marriadge in the yeare one thousand six hundred
[and] thirty-five l of our Saviour, in good and p'fecte health both of
bodie and mynd, for which I give Almightie God, my most
Mercifull Father, my humble and harty thankes, and consideringe
with myselfe the mortalitie of all people, and, therefore, the
certainty of my death that am ould and cannot live longe by
nature, and may dye quickly, and suddenly, as it shall please
Allmightie God, I have thought itt my dutie to God and man not
to departe this life without expressinge [what] my mynde had
when I was liveinge, by my Will, being that God Allmightie hath
given the earth to the Sonn of Man, and hath appointed one
generacon shall followe after another, to injoye itt. Therefore
these are to witness the care I have had of my generacon, for my
livinge wife and children, written and signed with my own hand
as my last Will and Testament in manner and forme followinge ;
first, as my principall dutie and legacie I give and bequeath
1 This date leads me to the conclusion that Lord Wimbledon's will of 1637
was an identical copy of the will he made Nov. i, 1635. It was probably
rewritten just after his son's death, and the date " 1637 " added at the begin
ning and end of the will.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 353
my Soule to Almightie God that gave it me, alsoe to God the
Sonne that Redeemed it, and God the Holy Ghoste that Sancti-
fied itt, believinge moste assuredlie that Christ Jesus died for me,
that is for my Redemption, that only by His meritts I doe beleeve
to bee saved and by noe other meanes, accordinge to His
mercifull promise, for that in Him and by Him and by His holy
passion and death I shall be saved, and injoye that miraculous
immortall life and endles felicitie which He hath ordained for
those that beleeve in Him. The next thinge I desire from my
Executors, whose names are here under written and named, that
my corpse be not opened or mangled as many are, therefore not
longe to be unburied, and then to bee buried in the Parishe
Churche and Mother Church in the lo1* of Wimbledon, and in the
isle [aisle] or Chappell of the said Church that I builte a purpose
for that ende, and by the tombe of that Capell where my second
wife lies, and to have no valte, but to be as deepe buried in the
earth as may be, for, that as my bodie was made of earth, soe I
desire it to returne to earth againe ; and for seremony I desire as
little as may be, only that my servants attend my bodie all in
black and as many of overseers as shall be present, or nighe at
hand. The names of my Executors are these — Sr Christopher
Wray, Sr Thomas Grimes,1 knight, Sr William Elliott,2 knight, my
cosen Robert Dewhurst, Captaine Thomas Brett, to whom I give
for legacies, each of them twentie poundes of lawfull money of
England. Item, besides my deere wive's joynture, my will is that
shee have use of all my goods and chattells, real and personall,
Jewells, plate, moveables, and other personall estate whatsoever,
my leases and readie mony excepted, for her naturall life only, so
that there be sufficient security given, and an inventorie made ot
all such goodes and chattells as shee shall receave for the use of
her life, without any accompte given for the ordinarie use of them, or
decayinge, which of necessitie must bee. Item, I doe give her for
1 Sir Thomas Grimes, Knt., of Peckham, M.P. for Surrey in 1623, died
1644.
2 Sir William Elliot, of Busbridge, Surrey. He was knighted by James I. in
1620. He was thrice married, and died Dec. 7, 1650, aged sixty-three. His
son and heir, Sir William Elliot, married, March i, 1653, Elizabeth Wray, a
grand-daughter of Lord Wimbledon's.
VOL. II. 2 A
354 LIFE AND TIMES OF
her life the Parsonage,1 Lordshipp, and all the tithes of Wimble-
don, if I have no sonn. Item, I doe give to the Lady Zouch,2
my mother-in-law, a hundred ounces of guilded plate to be
bought for her by my Executors. Item, I doe give to my deerest
and best sister, the Countess of Norridge,3 my chaine of goulde
with the crosse of diamonds that I did ordinarily weare, wch was
my most deerest Mother's, and was called A Lattymer's crosse,
not as a recompence, but as a thankfulness for her liberalitie that
shee did bestowe of me in my wante and especiallie att my
coming out of Italy,4 more then anie of my friends beside. Item,
I doe give to her my watch that hath my grand-father pictures
uppon it [cut] out of an agatt stone. Item, I doe give to ould
John Mason that served me as slater man, and my father, long
and faithfully, six pounds a yeare for his life. Item, I doe give
to Mr. Foxed (sic) my chaplaine tenn poundes as a legacy. Item,
I doe give to Richard Staline, my steward, twentie poundes a
yeare for his life to be paid out of all my lands. Item, I doe
give to my foote man little Jeame Spicer for his life six poundes a
yeare, if he serve me when God shall call me ; soe likewise I doe
give to any other foote boy or man that shall serve me att my
death, five pounds apeece, to issue out of all my land, beside the
first named, that shall serve me att the hower of my death.
1 Lord Burghley is believed to have resided in this house when living at
Wimbledon. When Secretary of State he obtained a grant (in 1550) of a
sixty years' lease of the rectory of Wimbledon with its chapels. His grandson,
Lord Wimbledon, enjoyed a similar lease, being the lessee of the Dean and
Chapter of Worcester, and it would appear from a letter from Archbishop
Laud to Doctor Potter, Dean of Worcester, written 1637, that Lord Wimble-
don renewed his lease of the rectory of Wimbledon in that year. See Laud's
Works, ii., pp. 486-9.
2 Lady Zouch's maiden name was Dorothea Silking. Mr. Garrard, in a
letter to Lord Wentworth, dated Dec. 3, 1635, thus refers to Lady Wimbledon's
mother : —
"Her mother is a Dane, one that served Queen Anne in her bedchamber.
I knew her well — a homely woman, but being very rich [Sir Edward] Zouch
married her for her wealth." — Strafford Letters, i. p. 468.
* Mary, Countess of Norwich, died in March, 1638. See her funeral certifi-
cate in S. P. Dom. under that date. She was interred at Waltham. Her
husband, Edward Denny, Earl of Norwich, predeceased her by six months.
4 This word has been smudged over and rewritten in the copy of the will at
Somerset House and reads like " Flely." I have taken an unusual course in
altering the word in above copy to what it undoubtedly was meant for.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 355
Item., I doe give to Jack foole, an innocent, five poundes a yeare
soe longe as hee shall live, to be delivered to the Overseer of the
poore in Wimbledon p'she. Item, I doe give to a little boy
called Henry Singonie, the sonn of one Lewis Singonie, a French
man that served me some thirtie yeares in the warres, six pound
a yeare for his maintenance and for his putting out to be appren-
tice, and no longer. Item, I am resolved to give to the towne of
Wimbledon twentye poundes for ever, not for any other use but
to putt out to prentice such poore children, as well wenches as
boyes, as the father and mother are not able to putt, alwaies pro-
vided that out of that twentie pounds my tomb and chappell be
allwaies repaired, and if the twentie pounds bee any other way
bestowed then [than] this my entente [intent], then to have it
[given] to the poore of Putney p'she, wth the same condicon sett
downe for Wimbledon pishe, then if the Overseers of Putney l
pishe shall faile in the aforesaid condicons, then to have that
twentie poundes fall to Motelacke [Mortlake], and if the Over-
seers of Mottelacke parishe faile in those condicons and doe not
performe those condicons, then the twentie pounds to returne to
Wimbledone again, and if the Overseers of Wimbledon doe faile
once more, then the twentie poundes to returne to my true
heyres ; and for all other land, goodes, leases or chattells or monny
I doe bequeath to my true heires, that is to my heires male law-
fully begotten, and for want of such heirs to my heires gene'all,
which is my daughters and theire heires, and in witnes of all these
thinges that I have writt with my owne hand as my last Will and
Testament,2 1 witnes it under my hand and scale and that these
1 Lord Wimbledon owned land in the parishes of Putney and Mortlake.
On the 1st June, 1637, a "licence was gran ted to Edward Viscount Wimbledon
and Sophia his wife to sell nine acres of pasture land at Mortlake, co. Surrey,
to Jerome Earl of Portland," and on " 1st March, 1638-9, licence was granted
to Sophia Viscountess Wimbledon, widow, Francis Lord Willoughby of
Parham, and Elizabeth his wife, to alienate ten cottages and eighty acres of
land in Wimbledon, Witham, Tooting, Putney, Barnes, and Mortlake, to
Rowland Wilson."— Patent Rolls, 13 & 15 Car. I.
* Extracted from the Principal Registry of the Probate, Divorce, and
Admiralty Divisions of the High Court of Justice, in the Prerogative Court of
Canterbury. Registered 183 Lee.
This will was proved in London on Dec. 21, 1638, by Sir Christopher Wray
and Sir Thomas Grimes, two of the executors, to whom administration of the
testator's estate was granted.
2 A 2
35^ LIFE AND TIMES OF
witnesses under written, in the yeare a thousand six hundred
thirty seaven
" Christopher Fox,1 Minister of Wimbledon,
" Nathaniell Wood, Steward,
" Frauncis Meverill, Secretary.
" WIMBALDON."
According to his last wish Lord Wimbledon was buried 2
in the small mortuary chapel, on the south side of the
chancel, in St. Mary's Church, Wimbledon, which he had
built as a burying-place for himself and his family. His
daughters, whose names and marriages, with their arms
impaled with their husbands' arms on small perforated
stained glass windows, appear on the walls of this chapel,3
erected a handsome altar-tomb of black marble to their
1 A legacy having been bequeathed to Mr. Fox by the testator in above
will his signature was invalid. In the stormy days of the Commonwealth
Christopher Fox was deprived of his living. " On the 24th of June, 1656,"
says the author of a History of Wimbledon, "it was resolved by the committee
of Plundered Ministers, "that Christopher Fox, not having satisfied the
committee of his fitness to serve the cure of Wimbledon, the Right Hon. Lord
Lambert (then in possession of the manor) he desired to nominate some fit
person.' On the nth May, 1658, William Syms was appointed by the
committee." — W. Bartlett's History of Wimbledon, p. 1 10.
2 The burials for the year 1638 are missing in the Wimbledon parish regis-
ters.
* On the walls of the chapel are small marble tablets, with the following
inscriptions. On the south side : —
"His first wife who in this tomb is named," and "his second wife."
Above each of these tablets is a small perforation filled with stained glass,
containing the arms of Cecil impaling Noel, and in the second window the
arms of Cecil, with a Viscount's coronet, impaling Drury.
On the east wall.
" Mr. James Fines, son and heyr of the Lo. Viscount Say and Sele, and his
wife, Frances Cecil.
" The Lo. Francis Willoughby of Parram and his wife Elizabeth Cecil."
Lord Willoughby's arms have been removed from above his tablet, but the
Fiennes arms remain.
On the west wall.
" Sir Christopher Wray, Knight, heyer to the Drurys and his wife Albinia
Cecil." The Wray arms removed. " Dorothy Cecil, unmarried as yet."
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 357
father's memory. The projecting ledge of this monument
bears the following inscription in old English capitals : —
"Here resteth Sir EDWARD CECILL, Knight, Lo. Cecill, and
Baron of Putney, Viscount Wimbledon of Wimbledon, Third sone
of Thomas, Earle of Exeter, and Dorothy Nevill, of the Co-
heyres of the Lo. Nevill of Latimer, and Grandchild of the Lo.
Treasurer Burghley."
On the north side of the monument is this inscription in
Roman capitals : —
" Read above first.
" Who followed the Warres in the Netherlands five and thirty
years, and passed the Degrees of Captaine of Foote and Horse,
Collonell of foote and Collonell of the English Horse; at the
Battell of Newport in Flanders."
On the south side is this inscription : —
"Who was Admiral, and Lo. Marshall, Lieutenant Generall,
and Generall against the King of Spaine, and Emperor, in the
service of King James, and K. Charles the first, — and at his
returne was made Counsellor of State and Warre, and Lo.
Lieutenant of this County of Surrey and Captaine and Governor
of Portsmouth."
At the east end is the following : —
" And after so many Travels returned to this patient and
humble Mother Earth, from whence he came, with assured Hope
in his Saviour Christ, to rise again to Glory Everlasting."
At the west end : —
" Read this last.
" His first wife was THEODOSIA NOWELL of the House of
Nowell [Noel], and Viscount Campden, by the Mother, of the
House of the Lo. Harrington, who dyed in Holland, and lyeth
buried in the Cathedral Church of Utrecht, by whom he had
358 LIFE AND TIMES OF
4 daughters, here mentioned in this Chappie, with their Husbands.
His second wife was DIANA DRURY, here interred, one of the
coheyres of the House of Drury, and by the Mother Descended
from the Antient Family of the Dukes of Bucks and Stafford, and
had onely one daughter by her, named Anne Cecill."
The walls of the chapel * are decorated with helmets and
pieces of armour worn by Lord Wimbledon, and from the
centre of the roof, above the altar monument, hangs a
viscount's coronet.
Time alters everything, sooner or later, but so far this
little chapel has escaped the merciless hand of the de-
stroyer and the well-meaning, but equally pitiless, hand
of the restorer. The chapel, and the handsome monument
of flawless black marble, remain as they were nearly two
hundred and fifty years ago. Thus Edward Cecil's tomb
escaped the sacrilege which was one of the distinguishing
marks of that period of English history termed the Com-
monwealth ; and so in death he was more fortunate than
his more successful companion-in-arms, Robert Devereux,
Earl of Essex, the commander-in-chief of the Parliamentary
forces, who received a splendid funeral at the hands of the
Parliament in Westminster Abbey, but whose effigy was,
1 On the ground are 2 flat gravestones to the memory of a grandson and
grand-daughter of Lord Wimbledon. The inscriptions are as follows : —
1 " Here lyeth RICHARD BETENSON, Esq., son of Sir Richard Betenson, of
Scadbury in the county of Kent, Knight and Baronett. He married Albinia,
one of the daughters of Sir Christopher Wray, of Ashby, in the county of
Lincoln, Kn*, who married Albinia, one of the daughters and heirs of the
Lord Wimbledon. He was married 20 years and 4 months, and left five
children living. He departed this life in the 45th year of his age, 1677."
2 "Here lyeth the body of the Hon1 FRANCES ELLIS, widow, youngest
daughter of James Fiennes, late Viscount Say and Sele, and Frances Cecill his
wife, one of the co-heirs of the late Viscount Wimbleton, who was married to
Andrew Ellis of Alrey, in the county of Flint, Esq. And having by him one
daughter and heir, she departed this life on the 2§th of January in the
year of her age, and in the year of our Lord 1686-7."
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 359
on the night of his interment, wantonly mutilated by some
" rude vindictive fellows," supposed to be Independents.1
Lord Wimbledon was author of the following military
tracts : —
" The Duty of a Private Soldier." 2
" The Commodities and Discommodities of undertakinge and
Relievinge Rochell, i627."3
" Journal of the Voyage and Enterprize upon Spaine, by the
English and Dutch under the command of Sir Edward Cecyl,
General by Sea and Land; from the 8th of Sept. 1625 to
the 5th of Dec. following, wherein are set down all Instructions,
Warrants, Letters, 4 &c."
" The Lord Viscount Wimbledon, his Method how the Coasts of
the Kingdom may be defended against any Enemy, in case the
Royal Navye should be otherwise employed or impeached, 1628." 5
" Lord Viscount Wimbledon's Demonstration of divers Parts
of War, especially of Cavallerye." 6
There is extant besides, in print : —
" The Answer of the Viscount Wimbledon to the Charge of the
Earle of Essex and nine other Colonels at the Council Table,
relatinge to the expedition against Cales." 7
There are three portraits, and a rare engraving of Lord
1 " The head of the effigy was broken, the buff coat which he had worn at
Edgehill was slit, the scarlet breeches were cut, the white boots slashed and
the sword taken away." — Stanley's Memorials of Westminster Abbey, p. 235.
2 Harleian MSS. 3638, fo. 155-9. This tract, which sets forth the manifold
duties of a soldier, by one evidently well acquainted with all the minutiae of
military service, was probably written in 1617.
3 See Appendix.
4 Lord Wimbledon published his "Journal'' in 1627, and there is a copy in
the British Museum Library. " Walpole is not correct," says Dr. Bliss, " in
saying that Sir E. Cecil speaks in the plural number in his Cadiz tract, as he
says: — 'I called a counsell,' (p. 7) ; 'I gave special order,' (p. 6); 'I sent
Sir Thomas Love ' (p. 1 1). There is no doubt of Lord Wimbledon's claim as
author of the tract." See MS. notes in Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors,
by Bliss. (British Museum.)
> See Appendix. « See Chapter VIII.
7 Printed at the end of Lord Lansdowne's Works in Verse and Prose,
360 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Wimbledon by Simon Pass, in existence. Of the portraits,
one is by Jansen, the second by Hoskins, and the third
by an unknown artist.
Walpole, in a letter to Grosvenor Bedford, dated Aug. 29,
1758, says : —
" In an old MS. of Vertue I find this memorandum : —
' Among the King's pictures at Somerset House [is] a picture
of Colonel Cecil, Viscount Wimbledon, setat. 37, anno 1610. Corn.
Johnson, pinx.1 " *
This portrait2 by Jansen (alias Johnson) is now at
Combe Abbey, Coventry.
The portrait by Hoskins (who was the great miniature
painter of the reign of Charles I.) is a small head of Lord
Wimbledon in oils, and is among the family portraits at
Burghley House.3 The third and last portrait is not a
pleasing or well-executed one. This picture — which is two
feet three inches by one foot nine inches — represents Lord
Wimbledon's bust in armour, which is nearly covered by a
pink satin scarf,4 embroidered with a grey pattern of sprays
1 See Walpole's Letters edited by Peter Cunningham (1857), iii. p. 166.
2 This interesting portrait has for many generations been in the possession
of the noble house of Craven. It probably belonged to the first Lord Craven,
who served under Lord Wimbledon at the siege of Bois-le-duc, in 1629. I have
not been able to see this portrait, as Combe Abbey has now passed into the
hands of strangers, " who make it an invariable rule never to show the pictures."
But from an old engraving of this portrait, in the possession of a member of
my own family, it is very evident that the Dutch engraver, Simon Pass, took his
engraving of General Sir Edward Cecil from Jansen's portrait, as the two
engravings resemble each other very markedly, only in the case of the more
recent engraving, a small portion only of the bust is given. It is a noticeable
fact that Jansen painted Sir Edward Cecil's mother, the Countess of Exeter,
who died in 1608, and this portrait is considered one of his most beautiful
works. See Catalogue of Portraits at Burghley House.
* Burghley House Catalogue, printed at Stamford, 1815, p. 134.
4 There is a mystery attached to this pink satin scarf. The picture was
painted in 1631, the year Lord Wimbledon left the Dutch service. It was
probably a last memorial of his military life, and may have been painted in
Holland. But ^RK pink scarf was the badge of all Spanish officers, and the
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 361
and flowers, and has a fringe. It is crossed from the right
shoulder and passed under the left arm. A deep Vandyke
collar, edged with broad white lace, imprisons the neck and
failing as it does on naturally sloping shoulders, makes the
head — which is bare, with the hair cropped rather short on
the forehead — look preposterously large for the bust. In
the corner of the picture, over the right shoulder, are the
arms of Cecil impaling Noel, surmounted by a viscount's
coronet.1 In the opposite corner is written : —
" Sr Edward Cecil
La Viscount Wimbledon
1631
-«' 59-"
The rare engraving by Simon Pass, now in the Print
Room, British Museum, is one of that great Dutch en-
graver's best portraits. It is adorned with military trophies
and is superscribed : —
" Generall Cecyll sonn to the right
Honorable the Earl of Exeter, etc,
employed by his Matle over his forces
the North and South Brittannes in,
the ayde of the Princes of Juliers and Cleve."
" Simon Passeus, sculpsit, A° 1618."
Dutch officers wore the orange scarf. It is not likely Lord Wimbledon would
have adopted the badge of the enemy whom he had fought against all his life.
My solution is that the orange paint in the original portrait has faded to a
pink colour, a not uncommon occurrence, as I have seen several portraits in
the Trippenhuis picture gallery at Amsterdam in which the orange scarves
have faded to pink.
1 The coronet is an anachronism, as the title was not bestowed on Cecil in his
first wife's lifetime. The portrait was probably painted for his children — hence
the Noel arms instead of Drury or Zouch. The above portrait is in the posses-
sion of the family of the late Admiral Selwyn of Wincanton, the representatives
of the elder branch of the Selwyn family. It was originally at Matson, the seat of
the Selwyn family, who were descended from the General Wm Selwyn who
married Albinia Betenson, a great grand-daughter of Lord Wimbledon.
There is an exact duplicate of this last portrait of Lord Wimbledon in the
possession of George Tancred, Esqr., Weens House, Roxburghshire.
362 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Before parting from Edward Cecil it is necessary to
say a word about his moral character, for no biography
is complete that ignores such an important matter ; even
though it be in the memoirs of a man's public, and not
his private, life. From his own letters, and from frequent
mention of him in the letters of his contemporaries, we
may honestly believe that Lord Wimbledon was essentially
a religious man, and that he set a good example in all
matters of religion to those about him.1 He was on ex-
cellent terms with Archbishop Laud, and took that great
prelate's advice in the church appointments of which he
had the patronage.2 His own letters give evidence of the
interest he took in the spiritual welfare of his regiment in
Holland. He was a faithful and affectionate husband, a
kind father, and a staunch friend to those who tried to win
his friendship. Add to these virtues those of generosity,
hospitality, and upright dealing in money matters, for all of
which he was distinguished, and the private life of Edward
Cecil, Viscount Wimbledon, will compare favourably with
the lives of many far more distinguished men of his time.
We now come to Lord Wimbledon's children who have
hitherto been only incidentally mentioned. Their names
were : —
The Hon. Dorothy.
The Hon. Albinia.
The Hon. Elizabeth.
The Hon. Frances.
The Hon. Dorothy Cecil, the eldest and only unmarried
daughter, survived her father about fourteen years, dying
1 There is a set of hymns in the British Museum Library, by Wm. Lisle of
Wandsworth, written in June, 1635, and dedicated to " his much endeared and
trulie honored lord Edward Viscount Wimbledon." — Add. MSS. 22309.
* See a petition to Archbishop Laud from the parishioners of Mortlake,
relative to Mr. Harrison, whom Lord Wimbledon had appointed to the living,
at the recommendation of his Grace May 26, 1638. — S. P. Dom.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 363
in France, 1652. She was distinguished for her charitable
actions, and made a good use of the money bequeathed
to her. Her will bears date 5 May, I65I,1 and was proved
in 1652.
The Hon. Albinia Cecil married, as we have already
seen, Sir Christopher Wray, Knt., of Barlings Abbey,
Lincolnshire, by whom she had a very large family, viz. :
six sons and six daughters. The eldest son, William
Wray, was knighted by Charles II., June 6, 1660, and
three weeks later created a baronet.2 The second son,
Edward Wray, had Barlings Abbey settled upon him ; he
was father of Sir Baptist Edward Wray, 8th Bart, of Glent-
worth. The third son, Drury Wray, settled in Ireland,
and eventually succeeded as 9th Bart, of Glentworth ; his
two sons, Colonel Christopher Wray3 and Captain Cecil
Wray,4 succeeded successively as loth and nth Barts. of
Glentworth. The fourth son, Cecil Wray, was grandfather
1 She appointed her sister, Albinia Lady Wray, an executrix — leaves her a
legacy and legacies to her Wray nephews and nieces — also bequests to her
sisters Lady Willoughby and Mrs. Fiennes and her stepmother the Viscountess
Wimbledon — desires to be buried in the parish church at Wimbledon "near
her dear father," if she dies within half a day's journey of Wimbledon, and to
be carried there by night — if she dies at a greater distance to be buried where
she dies — leaves j£6oo in trust to assist poor people to go and settle in Ireland."
By an indenture dated March 2, 1650, the Hon. Dorothy Cecil charged
certain lands in the parish of Putney with a payment of ^25 a year in trust to
Sir Richard Betenson and others, their heirs and assigns. Of this sum ,£8 a
year, or so much of it as should be sufficient, to be expended in the repairs of
her father's tomb and chapel ; the overplus to be expended on the poor of
Wimbledon in the manner named by the devisee.
2 The baronetcy of Wray of Ashby became extinct in 1 686, on the death of
Sir Wm Wray, 3rd Bart, of Ashby and 7th Bart, of Glentworth, second
son of the 1st baronet of Ashby.
3 Sir Christopher Wray, was Lieut. Col. of Gen1 Farrington's reg* of foot,
now known as the Worcestershire Reg* (late 29th foot). He saw much active
service in Spain, Portugal, France and Holland, and died at Portsmouth on
the eve of embarking with his reg* for Spain, Nov. 21, 1710.
4 A captain in Farrington's reg' ; High Sheriff of Lincolnshire 1 720. Left
his unentailed estates to his natural daughter, Miss Anne Casey, who married
Lord Vere Bertie by whom she left issue.
364 LIFE AND TIMES OF
of Sir John Wray, I2th Bart, of Glentworth, whose son,
Sir Cecil Wray, I3th Bart, of Glentworth,1 was M.P. for
Westminster 1782-4, and the opponent of Fox in the
memorable election fight for the same borough in 1784.
There is no need to recapitulate the stirring incidents of
this famous contest, suffice it to say, that the Countess of
Salisbury2 supported the representative of Edward Cecil
Viscount Wimbledon in his unequal contest with Fox, and
though she could not outrival the beautiful Duchess of
Devonshire, who canvassed for " the man of the people,"
yet she won many votes for Sir Cecil by her beauty of
face and charm of manner.
Of Albinia Lady Wray's daughters we may mention
that one of them (Frances) married Sir Henry Vane, the
younger (who was beheaded in 1662), by whom she left
a large family.
It is a remarkable fact that Lord Wimbledon's three
daughters all married into Puritan families, and their
husbands sided with the Parliament on the breaking out of
the Civil War. Albania's husband, Sir Christopher Wray,
was a prominent Parliament man. He raised a troop of
horse in Suffolk with which he did good service in
Yorkshire and Lincolnshire.
" I saw there," wrote a Suffolk gentlemen, when at Bury St.
Edmunds in 1642, "diverse horsemen to goe into Lincolnshire
who accompanied Sir Christopher Wrey (sic) from the White
1 The baronetcy of Glentworth became extinct on the death, in 1809, of
Sir Wm James Wray, 1 5th Bart., who was the last male descendant of Albinia
Lady Wray. The estates passed on the death of Sir Cecil Wray's widow in
1825 to Sir Cecil's nephew (his sister Isabella's second son) whose great grand-
son now possesses them. See the History of the Wrays of Glentworth for a
full account of this historical family and their representatives.
2 Mary Amelia, daughter of the first Marquis of Downshire. She was bom
in 1750 and married 1773 the Earl, afterwards Marquis, of Salisbury. She was
burnt to death at Hatfield House in 1835.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 365
Heart out of towne . . . The Lieftenant's colors were an armed
arm holding up a sword, and this word about it, The warre is
just that is necessary" l
Sir Christopher was one of the Commissioners for
executing the office of Lord High Admiral of England,
and, shortly before his death, was sent to Newark to reside
with the Scots' army, then besieging that town, as one of
the six Commissioners chosen by Parliament to represent
their party. He died suddenly in London, Feb 6, 1645-6,
and was buried in the church of St. Giles-in-the-Fields,
on Feb. I3.2 Albinia Lady Wray survived her husband
fourteen years, dying in Jan. 1660, and was buried Jan. 30,
in the church of St. Giles-in-the-Fields.3
The Hon. Elizabeth Cecil married Francis, 5th Baron
Willoughby of Parham. This nobleman received ;£ 1,300
from the Parliament, after the surrender of the king at
Newark, for his services. He took no part, however, in the
condemnation of his unfortunate sovereign, and soon after
joined the Royalists. He was obliged to leave England,
and became one of the companions in exile of Charles II.
Returning to England, in 1655, he was committed a prisoner
to the Tower. His charming wife voluntarily shared his
imprisonment. Lord Willoughby 's chaplain has left us an
interesting memoir of this truly noble and pious lady's life,
" who was," he says, " so adorned with outward gifts, but
especially with inward graces, that as she was the glory of
the present, she will be the wonder of the future generation."4
Lady Willoughby had a large family, but only two of
1 Diary of John Rous (published by the Camden Society), p. 123.
2 Parish registers. 3 Ibid,
* See " A saint's monument, or, the tomb of the righteous, the foundation
whereof was laid in a sermon preached at Knath, in the county of Lincoln, at
the solemn interment of the corps of the right honourable and truly religious
Lady Elizabeth, wife of the right hon. Francis Lord Willoughby, Baron of
Parham, March 26, 1661, and since finished by Wm. Firth, M.A., and
366 LIFE AND TIMES OF
her children (daughters) survived her. Her first born, a son,
was born at Wimbledon House, in 1629 and died there a
few months later.1 A second son lived to grow up and was
the hope and joy of his parents' existence. But a sudden
illness carried him off on March 13, 1661, and, a fortnight
later, his broken-hearted mother followed her beloved
son to the tomb. Mother and son lie buried in the church
at Knaith, Lincolnshire. The bereaved Lord Willoughby
spent the last few years of his life in the West Indies, where
he held the appointment of Governor of Barbados. He
was drowned, in a gale at sea, when on his way from
Barbados to St. Christopher's, with 1,500 men, to reduce that
island. His brother William succeeded him as 6th Baron.
Lord Willoughby left surviving issue two daughters : —
Frances, married to Wm. 3rd Lord Brereton ; Elizabeth,2
married to Richard Jones, 1st Earl of Ranelagh.
The Hon. Frances Cecil3 married the Hon. James
Fiennes, son and heir of Wm. Viscount Saye and Sele.
They had issue three sons and two daughters. The sons
predeceased their father, who succeeded as 2nd Viscount
Saye and Sele (of the new creation) in 1662, and died in
chaplain to the right hon. Francis Lord Willoughby, Baron of Parham.
London, 1662, 12°."
The book known as Lady Willoughby1 s Diary (by H. M. Rathbone, London,
1848, 2 vols), is one of those needless publications known as a fictitious diary.
1 " 1629. The second day of November, being Monday, between the hours
of four and five in the morning was born Robert Willoughby, the son of the
right hon1. Francis Lord Willoughby, and Lady Elizabeth, his wife, and was
baptized Thursday, the nineteeth day of the same month, 1629." — Wimbledon
Registers.
' ' 1630. Robert Willob y, sonn to the right hon'abell Lord Franncis Willoby,
and the hon'abell Lady Elizabeth, his wife, was buried the xxth day of
February. ' ' — Ibid.
2 The direct descendant of this lady is the present Dudley Charles, 24th
Lord de Ros, premier Baron of England, the heir general of Elizabeth Cecil,
Lady Willoughby of Parham.
3 She married, 2ndly, the Rev. Joshua Sprigge, of Crayford, Kent, an
Independent minister.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 367
1674, when the barony fell into abeyance between his
two daughters, Elizabeth and Frances,1 while the viscounty
passed to his nephew Wm. Fiennes. From the eldest
daughter, who married John Twisleton, Esq., of Barley, co.
York, is descended the present Baron Saye and Sele.
Lord Wimbledon's daughters and co-heirs sold the
Wimbledon estate, a few months after their father's death,
to Henry Rich, Earl of Holland, and others, as trustees for
Queen Henrietta Maria, wife of Charles I., for which they
received the sum of £16,789*
To those who may believe in the ill-luck attached to
properties which were unjustly taken from the Church, the
following list of the possessors of the Wimbledon estate,
during the short space of 200 years, may furnish a long roll
of Stuart-like misfortunes.
In the reign of Henry VII I., Wimbledon Manor, which
for many centuries had belonged to the see of Canterbury,
was resigned, doubtless by compulsion, by Crammer, to the
king, who bestowed it, in 1539, on his favourite, Thomas
Cromwell, Earl of Essex.
The Earl of Essex was accused of high treason in the
following year, and, being found guilty, was beheaded on
Tower Hill, July 28, 1540. His estates were all con-
fiscated and Wimbledon reverted to the Crown.
1 Buried in Lord Wimbledon's chapel. Her only child, Cecil, married first,
Richard Langley, of Bexwells, C° Essex, and'secondly, her cousin, Wm Fiennes,
elder brother of Lawrence, 5th Viscount, whom she also survived. She died
without issue at Bath, July 22, 1715, in her 58th year, and was buried at
Broughton, C° Oxford. — Chester's Westminster Abbey Registers, p. 9, note.
2 Dec. n, 1639. Warrant to the Master & C° of the Court of Wards and
Liveries to cause payment to be made out of the receipt there to Francis Lord
Willougby, James Fiennes, and Sir Christopher Wray, in satisfaction of the
purchase of the manor or lordship of Wimbledon, and for the mansion house,
park, and other lands there, for the sum of .£16,789, without account, according
to a contract made by the Lord Treasurer and others, commissioners in that
behalf. " At the desire of your Majesty's dearest consort the Queen." Sign
Manuals, Charles I. xiii. No. 107. — S. P. Dom.
368 LIFE AND TIMES OF
The next possessor was Queen Catherine Parr, the last
of Henry the Eighth's six wives. Excepting the loss of her
tyrannical lord and master she had no good fortune after
stepping into Cromwell's vacated property. As the wife
of Sir Thomas Seymour, Lord High Admiral of England,
she endured many sorrows, and died in childbed in 1648.
Once more Wimbledon reverted to the Crown, but its royal
possessor, Edward VI., lived only a short time after, and
his sister Mary succeeded to the crown and all crown lands.
Mary, to her credit be it spoken, did her best during her
short reign to restore Church lands to their rightful owners.
Wimbledon was given to Cardinal Pole, Archbishop of
Canterbury, who only survived his royal mistress one day.
Elizabeth did not share her sister's ideas about church
lands, and for nearly twenty years she kept the Wimbledon
estate in her own hands. She then gave a grant of the
manor house, and grounds adjacent, to Sir Christopher
Hatton, her future Chancellor and favourite. Though owner
of a very small part of the estate, and holding that small
part for a few weeks only, as he sold the manor-house,
stables, gardens, and tenements, &c., to Thomas Cecil and
his heirs for ever, on April 23rd, 1576, Hatton was just
as unfortunate as any of his predecessors in this estate, for
he died of a broken heart — the saddest of all sad fates.
Wimbledon remained in the hands of the Crown till the
32nd year of Elizabeth's reign, when her Majesty exchanged
it with Sir Thomas Cecil, who already owned the manor-
house, for two of Cecil's manors in Lincolnshire. Thomas
Cecil, 2nd Lord Burghley and 1st Earl of Exeter, who had
rebuilt the manor house in 1588, resided chiefly at Wimble-
don during his latter years. And it was in the evening
of his life that heavy misfortunes befell him. As we have
already seen his second Countess was accused most falsely
of one of the greatest crimes conceivable. His little
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 369
daughter, the sunshine of his old age, who had been born
at Wimbledon, predeceased him. His grandson and future
heir, Lord Roos, who had given him an infinity of trouble,
secretly left England and soon after died abroad, not
without strong suspicion of having been poisoned. And
his daughter, Lady Hatton, one of the beauties of her time,
brought her endless quarrels and complaints to Wimbledon,
when in need, which was very often, of the help of her
relations against her husband and legal oppressor — the
Lord Chief Justice of England.1
Lord Exeter settled the estate of Wimbledon on his
third son, Sir Edward Cecil, who had been fairly fortunate
in life before inheriting this estate, but certainly had very
little success in life afterwards. The successor of Lord
Wimbledon in the manor was Queen Henrietta Maria.
Misfortunes fell thick and heavy on the hitherto light-
hearted consort of Charles I. soon after the acquisition of
this manor, which she often visited in company with the
King.2 Excepting Mary Queen of Scots, no Queen ever
better earned the title of "la Reine malkeureuse." After
the execution of Charles I. the manor was seized by the
Parliamentary Commissioners, and, being put up for sale,
was purchased from them by Captain Adam Baynes of
Knowstrop, in the county of York.
The new owner of the historic manor does not appear
1 Sir Edward Coke and his 2nd wife lived apart for many years of their lives.
The following anecdote will show the " feeling " they had for each other : —
" Sir Edward Coke was said to be dead all the first morning in Westminster
Hall this Terme, insomuch that his wife got her brother the Lord Wimbledon
to post with her to Stoke, to take possession of that place, but beyond Cole-
brook they met with one of his Physicians coming from him, who told her of
his much amendment, which made them all return to London." Garrard to
Wentworth, June 20, 1634. — Str afford Letters, i. p. 265.
2 A few days before the king was brought to trial, he ordered the seeds of
some Spanish melons to be planted in the gardens at Wimbledon. — Bartlett's
Hist, of Wimbledon, p. 43.
VOL. II. 2 B
37° LIFE AND TIMES OF
ever to have lived on his new property, which he parted
with on May 17, 1652, for £16,822 17^. 8d to the
Parliamentary commander, Major-General Lambert.1 By
so doing Baynes escaped having to refund this royal manor
after the Restoration. He was not so lucky in another
property, as he was compelled to refund the royal manor
of Holdenby, in Northamptonshire, which he had purchased
of the Parliament for £29,000*
At the time that General John Lambert entered into
possession of the Wimbledon manor he was at the zenith
of his short-lived fame. Appointed Deputy of Ireland
and Commander-in-Chief there, he considered himself as
little inferior in power to Cromwell. His ambitious designs
were so apparent and transparent that the Parliament
decided to clip his wings. His commission in Ireland
was limited to six months, which gave Lambert such deep
offence that he resigned his commission before he had even
entered on his appointment. The Parliament accepted his
resignation, " whereupon Lambert," writes Mrs. Hutchinson,
" with a heart full of spite, malice, and revenge, retreated to
his palace at Wimbledon, and sat there watching an oppor-
tunity to destroy the Parliament." 3 Lambert's power was
not yet gone, but it was on the wane. His restless ambition
caused him to plot against the Protector and Parliament, in
order to rise to power himself. Wimbledon was his retreat,
where he amused himself with gardening and scheming, in
which congenial occupations he was certainly more suc-
cessful in the former than the latter. After Cromwell's
death he made a supreme effort to hoist himself into power,
but on the eve of success the army deserted him. He was
1 The house was then called Wimbledon Hall. The park surrounding it
was spoken of as containing 377 acres, 2 roods, 18 perches. Bartlett's Hist, of
Wimbledon, pp. 43-4. « Ibid.
* Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson (Bohn's edition), p. 361.
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 371
seized and sent to the Tower, January, 1660. Escaping
from there on April 9, he was recaptured on the 22nd.
The Restoration in no way benefited him, for he was
exempted from the Act of Indemnity, and in June, 1662,
was brought to trial. His affected humility on his trial
saved his life, but he was banished to the Island of Guernsey
where he lived in confinement for over thirty years and
died a Roman Catholic.
Wimbledon was restored to Queen Henrietta Maria,
but she no longer cared for the place, and it was sold on
June 10, 1660, to George Digby, Earl of Bristol.
The career of this nobleman had been a very chequered
one, and as a royalist leader he had suffered much in the
King's cause. Unfortunate before he ever set foot on the
Wimbledon estate, his fortunes cannot be said to have
altered for the worse. But neither did they alter much for
the better, and we find him in disfavour with Charles II.
for his prominent opposition to the Lord Chancellor
Clarendon. In March, 1664, the king sent a guard to
Wimbledon to arrest Lord Bristol, who, however, escaped
that snare, but was never restored to the king's favour.1
He died in 1676 " neither loved nor regretted," says Horace
Walpole, " by any party."
Thomas Osborne,2 Baron Kiveton, Viscount Latimer
and Earl of Danby in the English Peerage, and Viscount
Dumblane in the Peerage of Scotland, now purchased the
1 " He was Secretary of State and Privy Councillor to Charles II., but for-
feited both these offices by reconciling himself to the Church of Rome against
which he had written several pieces of controversy." — Biog. Hist. iii. p. 22.
2 A direct descendant of Sir John Nevill, last Lord Latimer. His father,
Sir 'Edward Osborne, Bart., had married Anne, only daughter of Thomas
Walmsley, Esq., by Elizabeth Danvers, the daughter of Lady Elizabeth
Danvers, who was one of the daughters and co-heirs of the last Lord Latimer.
See the arms of this nobleman with 7 quarterings on a window on the north
side of the chancel in Wimbledon church.
2 B 2
372 LIFE AND TIMES OF
Wimbledon Estate from the widowed Lady Bristol. He
was at this time Lord High Treasurer of England, and one
of the most able of Charles the Second's ministers. His
unprincipled sovereign made Danby write to the King of
France offering the alliance of Charles II. to Louis of
France for a stipulated sum. This letter was subsequently
laid before the House of Commons by the English am-
bassador at Paris, and, in consequence, Danby was im-
peached, although he satisfactorily proved that the king had
ordered him to make the offer to Louis. The earl was
made a scapegoat to save the king's honour (!), and was
committed to the Tower in 1679, where he remained for
some years. William III. created Danby Marquis of
Carmarthen and Duke of Leeds. In 1695 he was again
impeached by the Commons for corrupt practices, but
owing to the sudden prorogation of Parliament no
further steps were taken against him. He died in
1712.
The next lord of the manor of Wimbledon, Sir Theo-
dore Jansen, Bart., M.P., was as unfortunate as any of his
predecessors. Possessed of a colossal fortune in 1717, the
year he bought the Wimbledon estate from the late
possessor's trustees, under a decree of Chancery — he lost
it nearly all four years later, as one of the Directors of the
notorious South Sea Bubble Company. He was expelled
from the House of Commons, his papers seized, and obliged
to surrender to Parliament the vast sum of £220,000. He
had previously pulled down the old Manor House at
Wimbledon, and was building another, when his estates
were seized. The poor bankrupt's estate at Wimbledon
was purchased by Sarah Duchess of Marlborough, in whose
eccentric hands we must leave it.
There only remains one person now to say a few words
about. This was Sophia Vicountess Wimbledon, who was
GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL. 373
left a rich widow at the age of twenty.1 A few years after
her husband's death she re-married. Her second husband
was Sir Robert King,2 Muster-Master-General of Ireland
and Constable of the Castle of Boyle in Ireland, who had
distinguished himself in 1642 against the Irish, especially
in the battle of Ballintober, in the Province of Connaught,
where a complete victory was obtained which was a
good deal owing to his great courage.3 Soon after this,
he went to reside in London, and rented Cecil (or Wimble-
don) House in the Strand.4 His first wife had died in
March, 1638, leaving him six sons5 and four daughters.
His second wife was the Vicountess Wimbledon, by whom
he had two sons and four daughters, only one of whom, a
daughter, survived her parents, viz., Elizabeth King, who
married Sir Thomas Barnardiston, Bart, of Ketton, Suffolk,
by whom she had a large family.6
The Viscountess Wimbledon survived her second husband
many years. She resided at Ketton, with her daughter,
Lady Barnardiston, and had the happiness of seeing her
grandchildren grow up around her. On November 12, 1691,
1 " Viscount Wimbledon is lately dead, and has left a rich young widow."
Nicholas to Pennington, Nov. 27, 1638. — S. P. Dom.
2 Eldest son of Sir John King who died in 1636, by Catharine Drury,
daughter of Robert Drury, Esq. , nephew to Sir Wm. Drury.
8 See Lodge's Peerage of Ireland, iii., under King, Earl of Kingston.
4 Ibid.
5 The eldest son, Sir John King, was created Lord Kingston in 1660.
• The following obituary notice of one of this family appeared in the Evening
Post of Feb. 12, 1736. " On Wednesday last, died at his seat, at Ketton Hall,
in Suffolk, Sir Samuel Barnardiston, Bart., whose family is one of the most
ancient in the Kingdom, having flourished in a direct line for about 27
generations. They take their name from a town which they were owners of
long before the Conquest, and still possess. Sir Samuel was the 6th son of
Sir Thos. Barnardiston, Bart., by Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Robert King, of
Boyle, in Ireland, and the Right Hon. the Lady Viscountess Wimbledon. He
married Miss Wynne, sister to the present Sir Rowland Wynne, of Nostell in
Yorks, Bt., and sister to the late Lady Dering. He is succeeded in his
dignity and estate by Sir John Barnardiston. Two of Sir Samuel's brothers
had enjoyed the dignity before him."
374 GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL.
this venerable lady ended her long and useful life, and, on
November 19, she received honourable burial in Ketton
Church,1 where is a monument inscribed to her memory,
the concluding lines of which will make a fitting end to
this volume, for she made the title of Wimbledon, which she
bore, to be esteemed and loved by all who knew her : —
" Near to this Place
lyeth interred the Body of the R* Honw<
and most Religious
SOPHIA Viscountesse WIMBALTON,
daughter of
Sr EDWARD ZOUCH, of OKING, in Surrey,
and DOROTHEA SILKING, of an ancient
Family in the Kingdome of Denmark.
She was First Married to EDWARD Viscount
WIMBALTON, of Wimbalton, in Surrey,
by whom she had a son
ALGERNON, who dyed an infant.
Her Second Husband was Sr ROBERT KING,
of Boyl in Connaught,
in the Kingdom of Ireland,
by whom she had two sons, Robert and Edward,
who both dyed in their Infancy,
and four Daughters,
Vix, SOPHIA, who dyed an Infant,
& a Second of ye same name who dyed an Infant
& a third SOPHIA who deceased
at two and twenty years,
and ELIZABETH Married
to S' THOMAS BARNARDISTON
of Kedington in Suffolk, Bar*.
She Deceased the Twelfth day of Nov""
Anno Dom: 1691,
in the 74 year of her Age.
"Whose Sacred Remains this Memorial Conserves,
but her Transcendant Piety & Eminent Charity
have Erected for her in the Minds of Posterity
A far more lasting Monument. "
1 In her will, made Sept 28, 1691 (which is signed SO-WIMBALDON)
she left it to the direction of her executors whether she was to be buried at
Wimbledon or Ketton.
APPENDIX.
Harl MSS. 1584, f. 17.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM CONCERNING
THE FLEETE, 1625.
Wee, finding nothing more suteable with the honor of a King
then the protection of those that are oppressed, bee they Subiects,
Friends, or Allies, how ill should it then become us to refuse or
Protection and or assistance to or deere Brother, Sister, and
Nephewes dispossessed of their Estates and dignitie, And that
by force and Armes mixed wth Treaties, and under the pretext of
reconciliation, and under the name of Treatie and accomodacon.
Wherein wee orselves have beene witnes of the artificiall breaches
of promise and open delusions, comitted by the Ennemies of or
Deare Brother, as hath beene apparant likewise to or people, Att
whose mediation or deere ffather of most glorious memorie brake
of those Treaties, the particular of wch and their consequences wee
meane not to handle here, Onelie to shew the iustnes of or reason,
att the mediacon of or deere Brother and Sister, and in prosecu
tion of or deere ffather's purpose, to prepare soe great a ffleete,
and to putt in armes a proportion of land-Souldiers, wch wee doe
by authenticall comission, putt under the charge, conduction and
comandment of yse, or yor deputie, or deputies, wth the assistance
of those councellors of warre, wee have added to yo™, viz*., Sr
Edward Cecill, knight, Marshall of the field ; the Vicount Valentia,
Maister of the Ordonnance; Sr John Ogle, Knight, Collonell
Generall ; the Earle of Essex, one of the Collonells ; Sr William St.
Leger, Knight, Serjeant-Major-generall ; Sir Edward Conway,
Sr Edward Horwood, Sr John Burgh and Sr Henrie Bruce, Knights,
APPENDIX.
Collonells in this expedition. And doe find it iust to point out to
yon the principall ends wee ayme att, Wch being the protection
and restitucon of or deere Brother and Sister, wee have discovered
that the King of Spaine, who assisted in the extortion and
oppression comitted towards or deere Brother and Sister, provided
alsoe to make good the same ; And therefore armed himselfe wth
a great fleete to divert us by attempts upon us in Ireland, or in
England, or by raysing of fforts or making new harbors upon
Flanders side, to take from us that honor and dominion of the
narrow seas wch have beene iuslie assured by or Predecessors, and
given to them and us by all or Neighbor And although wee
understand that the most part of their preparacons in Spaine is
turned presentlie from attempting us, by pursuing the Hollanders
to recover the port of Bresill, Yett we have thought fitt not to
loose this great cost wee have beene att, And to perfect or defence
by offence. Wee doe first give y° in charge, wth all care and
Judgement, to inform yor selfe and gett intelligence where the
King of Spaines Shipping is, where his strengths and weaknes are
upon his coasts, and where his Magazines are for provisions for
the preparing, arming and victualling of his navies for the future.
And wee will not doubt of yor iudicious examinations of the truth
and ground of those informations wch shalbee brought you, and of
the reasonableness and facilitie of executing those provisions wch
you shall undertake by the incouragement of those intelligences.
Our first ends being to destroy the shipping and provision of
shipping, wch being done will (by their inabilitie to attempt us) be
a suretie to us att home.
The next end being, if yon be constrained to putt on land, to
burne any of the shipping, Magazines of provisions, or provisions,
and shall find that that Towne or Port may be kept as a suretie
to us and a thorne in the sides of the Enemie, you may then upon
good Counsell and deliberation putt a convenient garrison into
the place, or give us advertisement that by holding of such a place
wee may the rather bring the enemie to reason.
And though that wch wee have least in contemplacon is the
taking or spoylinge of a Towne, yett if yon shall find any rich
Towne that w*hout any great hazard you may take, yon may doe
well to remember the great cost wee have beene att in this fleete,
attempt the taking of it, and being gotten to be verie carefull for
APPENDIX. 377
the gathering together, and preserving of the riches towards the
defraying the cost of this fleete, wth due consideration to the
recompencing of persons of good desert and according to Martiall
practise and order, and the example of other Journies in the like
case, ffor the effecting of wch wee doubt not but you will take
such provident course as may answere or expectacon. And for
the better order to be held in it, Wee advise you by yor selfe or
yor deputie to appoint foure, or more, of the Councell of warre to
be Supervisor8 over the gathering together and safe keeping of
such riches as shalbe taken to or use and answering of or charge.
Those Supervisors to be part of the Sea Officers and part of the Land.
But in what attempt soever wee doe earnestlie, and straightlie
require you to keepe in yor Memorie, how carefull wee are of yor
Life and the lives of or Subjects in any desperate action, either for
glorie or covetousness. But upon good deliberation, the grounds
being well examined, and the work found faisible. And this
being a warre in part for our defence and to constraine or
adversaries to reason and restitucion, Wee require you by all
meanes to forbeare the shedding of the bloud of any that attempts
you not, or resist yon not wth Armes, as women, Children and aged
men and those that render themselves to or mercie and yors.
And when you shall have don what you can effect upon the
shipping, provisions, or the Coasts, If upon deliberate counsell yon
shall think e it good to Lye for the plate fleete, to follow the
ffleetes sent to Bresill, or to send any part of or ffleete to the West
Indies, or to returne any part of it home, wee leave it to yor
discretion. And wee doe not forbidd you the suffering any
Officer att Sea to land, whom you shall thinke fitt for the advantage
of the land service, Yett doe wee straightlie charge yon to have a
speciall care principallie to intend the suretie and safetie of or
Navie, att all times, as the principall honor and Bulwarke of or
Kingdome, the suretie of yor retreate and safetie for the returne
of all or Armie.
Put in by consent ; but with the advice of my Lo : Cecill.
And that although wee give you a strickt care of the prservation
of our Navy, yet it is not our meaning that thereby you shall have
any doubt to undertaking any enterprize that may be dangerous
soe long as it be by the advice of the councell of warre, for that
APPENDIX.
wee know very well that there is noe greate enterprize can bee
undertaken without danger, but onely wee doe by theise recomend
the care of our ffeete to you soe much as in you lyeth.
INSTRUCCONS FOR MY HOW FRIEND Sr ED. CECILL KM* LIEU-
TENNT GEN' ALL &> LO. MARSHALL OF HIS Miea FLEETE 6-
LAND FORCES NOW REDDY TO GO TO SEA.
First and above al things you shal provide, that God be duly
served twice a day by everie ships companie, according to the
usual prayers and Liturgie of the church of England.
You shal take care to have al your companies live orderly and
peaceably, 6- to cause everie Captain, Master, 6° other Officer,
faithfully to perform the dutie of his place. And if anie seaman
or soldier shall raise tumult or conspiracie, or comitt murder,
quarrel, fight, or draw weapon to that end ; or be a swearer,
blasphemer, drunckerd, pilferer, or sleeper at his watch, or make
noise, or not to betake him self to his place of rest after the watch
is sett ; or shall not keep his caban clenly, or bee discontented wtb
the proportion of victuals assigned unto him, or shall spoile or
wast them, or anie other necessarie provisions for the shipps, or
shall not keep cleane his armes, or shall go ashore wthout leave,
or shall be found gwiltie of anie other crime or offence, you shal
use due severitie in the punishment and reformation thereof
according to the known orders and customs of the sea.
You shall require everie Captaine to take from time to time
iust and particular accompts of the stores of al Botswains 6°
Carpenters of the ships ; examining their Recepts, Expenses &
Remains, not suffering anie unnecessarie wast to bee made of
their provisions, nor anie woorke to bee donne wch shal not bee
needful <§v be directed and allowed by the said Captaine uppon
advise wth his Master, Botswains, or other Officers of the shipp,
to bee necessarie for the service. You shal cause every Captain
to take like accompts of their pursers 6° stewards of their
victuals, 6° provide for the goodnes 6° preservation thereof
wthout wast, not suffering anie suspected person to bring fresh
victuals aboord, wthout due examination how and whence it was
taken, 6- due survey of the qualitie & holesomnes thereof.
You shal require the said Captains to take like accompts of
APPENDIX. 379
their master-gonners for their shott, powder, munition and al
rnaner of stores contained in their indentures. And not suffer
anie part thereof to bee sould, imbezeled or wasted, nor anie
peece of Ordinance to bee shott of wthout their own direction ;
keeping also true notes of the numbers 6- kinds that they may
thereby examin their accompts, wch are not to bee allowed in the
Office of the Ordinance, wthout their approbation under their
hands. You shal suffer no boate to goe of for the shore or other-
wise, wthout the Captains special leave d^ uppon necessarie
cawse to fetch water, or some other needful things. And then you
shal send the Botswaine, Cockswaine <5v one Quarter-master
6- such an orderly ging [gang] as they shall make choise of, 6°
for whose good careage and speedie return they will answer.
You shal require everie Captain, Master &* others to per-
forme unto you due respect 6° obedience ; not taking the wind
of you at anie time, if they be not forced to do it, but keeping
companie wth you, as much as may be ; speaking wth you everie
morning to know your pleasure 6° to salute you, if the time do
permitt, and coming aboord you as often as you shal put out
your flag of councel on the starboord quarter of your shippe, d>*
casting and waighing anchor, when you anchor 6° waigh, 6° shal
to that end shoot of a waniing peece, taking care that they ride
not in the wake one of another, and yet as neer together as wth
order and saftie they may, everie one keeping ranck under the
colors of his squadron.
If you saile by night, you shal carie two lights 6° your Vice-
admiral one, 6" shall beare such saile, as the whole fleet may
keep about you, everie one bearing the same course wthout
scattering or falling fowle one of another ; 6° if mistie weather, or
tempest, shall happen to devide you, you shal give such direction
that the scattered may recover the fleet in such a height as you
shal assign. And if any ship spring a leake, spend a mast, or
bee in anie distress by fier or other wise, they shall shoot of [f] a
peece or two, that other ships may take warning 6° hasten to
give healp.
If anie shippe or pinnace shal discover anie shipping at
sea, they are to give notice thereof by shooting of a peace,
6° letting faul their maintopsail, as manie times as there bee
ships; 6° if they appear to bee enimies, by shooting twise
380 APPENDIX.
or thrise to warn the whole fleet to put in order for fight or
pursute.
If anie of your fleet chance to meet anie vessel from the
enemies coast, they are to be directed to bring the masters thereof
unto you, that by them you may be informed of the enimies
state 6° proceedings.
But in anie wise you are not to suffer anie violence, wrong, or
interruption to bee given by anie of your companie to anie of his
Miea frends and allies ; nor shal permit anie man to go aboord
than for whose faire 6° honest careage you wil not answer ; nor
shal wthout plain 6° cleare proof of prohibited goods, or be-
longing directly to the king of Spain's subjects, take, sease, or stay
anie vessel, or anie thing therein contained, as you wil answer it
at your peril.
If you meet anie shippe of his Mtles allies Laden wth anie pro-
visions of victuals, cordage, masts, anchors, or Spanish iron, you
are not to take anie of them without agreeing for them in frendly
maner dv giving your bil for paiment for the same.
If you descrie anie fleet of enimies at sea, you shal first ply to
get the wind ; and after you the whole fleet in the due order of
their squadrons shal do the like. And when you come to joyne
battel, no shippe shal prsume to assaile the enemies Admiral
or Vice-admiral but only you 6° your Vice-admiral if you bee
hable to reach them. And the other ships are to match them
selves as asqually as they can, and to succour one another as
cawse shal require, Not wasting their powder at smale vessels or
victualers, nor shooting a farre of, nor till they com up side
to side.
You shal not suffer beds of straw, nor anie matter easie to take
fier to be aboord in time of fight, nor shal permit anie powder to
bee carried up and down in open barils, or in budg-barils, but shal
comand the Gonners to charge al their Ordinance wth cartouses,
wch may be kept covered. And for prevention of firewoorks you
are to cawse vessels of urine to bee in readiness in everie ship.
And shal enjoyne everie ship carpenter to observe carefully in the
fight, if anie shott chance to fale neere the bulging places of the
ships 6*> ever to be readie to stoppe them wth salt hydes.
Before fight you are to cawse 6° see al things are put in order
6» then incourage your companies, 6° direct them not to boord
APPENDIX. 381
the enimies ships til the smoke of the Ordinance bee cleared up,
nor til their men above hatches bee slaine or beaten of.
Ifanie prise or shippe bee taken from the enimie you must
give careful order that no bulk bee broken up, but that the
hatches be presently spiked up, that al under the Overlope [Orlop-
deck] may be preserved for the kings use, 6° what is above hatches
(treasure excepted) may be parted indifferently amongst the
marinars 6° soldiers, &* the captins also distributed wth their
chests 6° bagage according to the ancient orders of the sea.
If anie of the enimies shippes be discovered to bee a grownd in
anie harborowgh or road, so as they can not be set of, but by
boats, then as you begin to man your boats for that service al
the rest must do the like, everie one careing wth him a boat
anchor, a grapnel 6^ a warp. And you must also take order that
the ships of least drawght, ride as neere as may bee to succour both
the boats 6° barges when they are sent for service or to land men.
The cheif intention of this voyage being the weakening and
dishabling of the enimie in his seaforces 6° trade ; by taking 6°
destroying his ships, gallies, fregats 6^ vessels of al sorts ; by
spoiling his provisions in his magasins 6° port towns; by de-
priving him of seamen, marinars 6° gonners ; by not suifring him
to gather head from anie part ; by intercepting his fleets either
going out or returning; 6° by takeing in, and possessing some
such place, or places, in the manie of his dominions, as may support
and countenance our successive fleets, you shal therefore direct 6°
govern your proceedings 6- services to theis ends. And shal not
devide your fleet, or companies, for anie other adventure or pur-
chase, (sic) except when you find so little strength and defence
uppon his coasts, that you may safely assaile him in divers places at
once. And therefore you shall circumspectly vew al his coasts &»
looke into everie port ; 6° wher you find ships, gallies or other
vessels or provisions, you shall with good advise and courage, 6*
wth gods assistance, do your best to destroy them, and to take and
overthrow al such as shall attempt to ioyne or consort wth them.
And becawse al particulars for sea and land service can not be
limited wth spetial instructions, -w^out leaving manie things to the
wisdom, providence and good menageing of the comanders in
al such occurences, 6" generally in al things wch are not, or shall
not bee expressly directed, you are to use your own best judg-
382 APPENDIX.
ment 6- discretion, following the advice of such a council as is
assigned unto you. That having your own experience S* resolu-
tion fortified by the consent of at least the greater part of the said
councelers, you may give the better accompt of your actions, so
as the success may be the more hopeful for the repressing of the
ambition of that overgrowing power wch hath both threatened 6*
disturbed al Christendom, &* for the obtaining dv settling of such
a happie peace as both his Mty 6- his late father of renowned
memorie have long and carefully sowght after, and as may tend
to the honor of God, the prservation of true religion, the honor of
his Mty and the saftie of his kingdoms.
You shal cawse a iournal to be kept and shal advertise mee
from time to time of al your proceedings, and of al things you
thinck fit in your wisdom for mee to know, or make known to
his Mty. And so to Gods blessing I comend your saftie <&° good
success.
Frm the Cortt att Holbury 26th Aug. 1625.
[From Domestic State Papers. Charles I. vol. v. No. 87.]
KING CHARLES'S FIRST INSTRUCTIONS TO SIR EDWARD CECILL,
SETTING FORTH THE OBJECTS CONTEMPLATED BY THE EXPEDI-
TION AGAINST SPAIN, AND IN WHAT MANNER HE WAS TO
PROCEED TOWARDS THIS ACCOMPLISHMENT. Incomplete
draft; undated, but probably Aug* 26th, 1625. From Domestic
State Papers, Chas. I. vol. v., No. 86.
Wee find nothinge more suteable, wth the honor of a kinge, then
the proteccon of those that are oppressed, bee they Subjects, freinds,
or Allyes. How ill should it then become Us to refuse or proteccon
and or assistance to or deere Brother and Sister, and or Nephewes
dispossessed of their estates and dignities. And that by force and
armes mixed wtb treaties, and under the prtext of reconciliacon
and the name of treaty and accommodacon. Wherein Wee orselves
have ben Witnes of the artificiall breaches of promise, and open
delusions comitted by the enemies of or deere Brother, as hath
ben apparent likewise to or people. At whose mediacon or deere
ffather of most glorious memory brake of those treaties. The
particular of wch, and their circumstances and consequences wee
meane not to handle here. Only to shewe the justness of or
APPENDIX. 383
reason at the mediacon of or deere Brother and Sister, and in
prosecucon of or deere ffathers purpose to prepare soe greate a
ffleete, and to put in armes a proportion of Land Souldiers, Wch
wee doe by authenticall comission put under the charge, conduccon,
and commandement of yor or yor Deputie, or Deputies wth the
assistance of those councellors of Warr wee have added to yor viz*.
*******
And doe find just to point out to yow the principall ends wee
ayme at, wch beinge, the proteccon and restitucon of or deere
Brother and Sister. Wee have discovered that the kinge of
Spaine, who assisted in the extortion and oppression comitted
towards or deere Brother and Sister, provided alsoe to make good
the same, And therefore armed himself wth a great ffleete, to
divert us by attempts upon us in Ireland, or in England,' or by
raysinge of fifortes, or makinge newe Harbours upon Flanders syde,
to take from us that honor, and Dominion of the Narrowe Seas,
Wch have ben assumed justly by or Predecessora, and given to them
and us by all or Neighbours. And although wee understand that
the most part of their prparacons in Spaine is turned prsently from
attemptinge us, by poursuinge the Hollanders to recover the Port
of Brasill. Yet wee have thought good Not to loose this great
cost wee have ben at. And to perfect or defence by offence wee
doe first give you in charge, wth all care and Judgment, to informe
yorself, and gett intelligence where the kinge of Spaines shipping
is, Where his strength and weaknes upon his coast are and Where
his Magasins are for provisions for the prparinge, arminge, and
victuallinge of his Navie for the future. And wee will not doubt
of yor judicious examinacon of the truth and ground of those
informacons, wch shall be brought you, and of the reasounableness,
and facilitie of executinge those proposicons, wch yow shall under-
take by the incouragment of those intelligences. Our first ends
beinge to destroy the shippinge, and provision of shippinge, wch
beinge done will (by dishableing them to attempt us) bee a suretie
to us at .home.
If you bee constrayned to put on land to burne anie of the
shippinge, Magasins of provisions, or provisions, and shall find
that that Towne or Port where such provisions are, may bee kept
as a suretie to us, and a thorne in the sydes of Ennemye, you may
then upon good councell and deliberacon, put a convenient
384 APPENDIX.
Guarrison into the place, or give us advertisement, that by holdinge
of such a place wee may the rather bringe the ennemy to reason.
And though that wch wee have least in contemplacon is the takinge
or spoylinge of a towne, yet if yow shall find anie rich Towne, that
wthout any great hazard yon may take, Yow may doe well to
remember the great cost wee have ben at in this ffleete, attempt
the takinge of the Towne, and being gotten, bee very careful] for
the gatheringe togeather and prservinge of the riches towards the
defrayinge the coste of the ffleate, Wth due consideracon to the
recompen singe of persons of good desert, and accordinge to
martiall practice and order, and the example of other Jorneis in
the like case. For the effecting of wch wee doubt not but yow will
take such a provident course, as may answeare or expectacon.
And for the better order to be held in it, Wee advise yow by
yorself or yor deputie to appoint fower or more of the councell of
Warr to be supervisors over the gatheringe togeather and safe
keepinge of such riches as shall bee taken to or use, and for
answearinge or charge ; Those Supervisors to be part sea and
part Land officers. But in what attempt soever yow undertake,
Wee doe earnestly and straitly require yow to keepe in yor memory
howe carefull wee are of yr life and the lives of or Subjects, And
not to venture yor owne person, nor the Lives of or Subjects in
anie desperate accon either for glory or coveteousness, but, upon
good deliberacon, Worke [being] found faisible.
This beinge a Warr in part for or defence, and to constraine or
Adversaries to reason and restitucon, wee require you by all meanes
to forbeare the sheddinge of the blood of anie that attempts yow
not, or resists yon not wth Armes, as Women, Children, and aged
men, and those that render themselves to or mercie and yore.
And when yow shall have done what yow can effect upon the
shippinge, provisions, or Coasts, If upon deliberate Councell, yow
shall thinke it good to lye for the plate ffleete, to followe the
ffleetes sent to Brasill, or to send anie part of or ffleete to the West
Indies, or to retorne any part of it home, Wee leave it to yor
discretion. And wee doe not forbidd yon the sufferinge any
officer at Sea to land whom yow shall thinke fitt for the advantage
of the Land service. Yett doe wee straitly charge yow to have a
speciall care, principally to intend the suerty and safetie of or
Navie at all times, as the principall honor and Bulwarke of or
APPENDIX. 385
Kingdome, the suertie of yor retraite, and safetie for the retorne of
all or Army.
[Unaddressed, undated, and unsigned.]
Endorsed : — " Instructions for the fleete going towards Spaine."
MR. GLANVILLE'S REASONS AGAINST HIS BEEINGE IMPLOYED FOR
A SECRETARY AT WARR.
[Dated in pencil in a modern hand against the passage
commencing " His coming to Plymouth," Septr i8th, 1625.]
Hee is a meere Lawyer unqualified for th'imploym* of a Secretary;
his handwriting is so bad that hardly any but his oune clarke
canne reade itt, who should not bee accquainted w*h all thinges that
may occurre in such a service.
He hath a wife and 6 children, and his certaine meanes without
his practise is not sufficient to maintaine them.
He sitteth at 6ou rent prann for a howse in Chanc'y Lane, not
worth him in effect anie thing but for the Comodiousnes of his
practise, however hee is to hold it att that rate for 16 or 17 yeares
to come.
His wife and children ar dispsed into 4 sev'all counties, wth
sev'all freindss, in Hertfordshire, Bedfordshire, Glouc'shire, and
Devonshire during his sicknes, and hee cannott in this straight, and
upon so short warninge, setle his affaires for such a iournie.
His goods and evidenc' and th'evidences ofdiv's of his clientes,
wth manie breviattss and noates of instruccon" conc'ning their
cawses, are in his studdy att Lincolns Inne and howse in Chanc'y
Lane, wch hee cannott well dispose nor distribuit in a short tyme,
nor can now safely repaire to the place where they are.
Hee is int'essed in sev'all recordershipps and ingaged in divers
cawses of importance, wch affaires and businesses, if he desert, much
preiudice may thereby grow to very manie.
His mother, an aged Lady, who relies much upon his Councell
and cofort, will become herby much weakened and disconsolate.
His practise is now as good as most men in the kingdome of
his tyme, hee having followed the studdy these 22 yeares, and the
practise of the Lawe these 1 5 yeares, wth as much constancie and
painfullnes as anie man. And if hee should now bee putt into
another course, though butt for a while, itt must neede Deprive
him of the fruites of all his labours, for his clientes beeing by his
VOL. II. 2 C
386 APPENDIX.
absence once setled uppon others, he shall never bee able to
recontinue them againe. His coming to Plymouth att this tyme
was only to attend the service of his Recordershippe there, and to
assist the Maior and his brethren to intertaine his Matie, wch service
hee hath pformed accordingly.
Endorsed : — )
" Mr. Glanvile's reasons against his beinge imployed in this sea
voyage."
Lansdown MSS., 844, f. 309.
INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN BY SE EDWARD CECYLL, KNT, BARON OF
PUTNEY AND VISCOUNT WIMBLEDON, ADMIRALL OF THE
FFLEETE, LIEUTENANT GENERALL AND MARSHALL OF HIS
MATIES LAND FFORCES, NOW READIE TO GOE TO SEA, TO BE
DAILIE PERFORMED BY ALL THE COMMANDERS AND THEIR
COMPANIES, MRS., AND OTHER INFERIOR OFFICERS, BOTH BY SEA
AND LAND, FOR THE BETTER GOVERMT OF HIS MATIES FFLEETE.
DATED IN THE SOUND OF PLYMOUTH, ABOARD HIS MATIES GOOD
SHIPP THE ANN ROYAL, THE THIRD OF OCTOBER, 1625.
1. ffirst, that above all things you shall provide that God bee
dulie served twice every day, by all the land and Sea Companies
in the shipp, according to the usuall prayers and Lythurgie of the
Church of England, and shall gett a discharge every watch, w*h
the singing of a Psalme and Prayer usual at Sea.
2. You shall keepe yr Companies from swearing, blaspheming,
drunkennes, dicing, carding, cheating, picking and stealing, and
the like disorders.
3. You shall take care to have all the Companies live orderlie and
peaceablie, and shall charge the officers faithfullie to performe the
office and dutie of his or their places ; And if any Seaman or
Souldier shall raise tumult, mutinie, or conspiracie, or commit
murther, quarrell, fight, or draw weapon to that end, or bee a
sleeper at his watch, or make noise, or not beetake himselfe to his
place of rest after his watch is out, or shall not keepe his cabine
cleanelie, or bee discontented w*h the proportion of victualls
assigned unto him, or shall spoile or waste them, or any other
necessarie provisions in the shipp, or shall not keepe cleane his
Armes, or shall goe a shoure w'hout leave, or shall bee found
APPENDIX. 387
guiltie of any other Cryme or offence, you shall use due severitie
in the punishm* and reformation thereof, according to the
knowne orders and custome of the sea.
4. ffor any Capitall or heynous offence that shall be comitted in
yr shipp by the land or Seamen, the Land and Sea Comanders
shall ioyne togither to take a due examination hereof in writing,
and shall acquaint mee therew*h, to the end I may proceed in
iudgemen* according to the qualitie of the offence.
5. Noe Sea Captaine shall meddle w*h the punishing any of
the Land souldiers, neyther shall the Land Comanders meddle
w*h the punishment of the Seamen.
6. You shall w*h the Mr. take a particular account of the
scores of the Boatswaines and Carpenters of the shipp, examining
their receits, expence, and remaines, not suffering any unnecessarie
waste to be made of their p'visions, or any worke to bee done
wch shall not bee needful for the service.
7. Ye shall every weeke take the like account of the purser
and steward, of the quantitie and qualitie of Victualls that are
spent, and p'vide for the pservation thereof w*hout any
superfluous expence. And if any suspected p'sons bee in that
office, for the wasting and consuming of victualls, you shall remove
him and acquaint me herew'h, and shall give me a pticular
account from time to time of the expence, goodnes, quantitie, and
qualitie of yr victualls.
8. Yu shall likewise take a particular account of the Mr.
Gunner for the shott, powder, and munition, and all manner of
stores contained in his Indentures, and shall not suffer any part
hereof to be sould, embesled, or wasted, nor any piece of
ordonance to be shot of w*hout directions, keeping an account of
every severall shot in the shipp, to the end I may know how the
powder spends.
9. You shall suffer no boate to goe from yr shipp w'hout
speciall leave, and upon necessarie cause, to fetch water or some
other needful thinge, and then you shall send some of the officers
or men of trust for whose good carriage and speedie return you
will answer.
10. You shall have a speciall care to p'vent the dreadful
accident of fire, and let no candels bee used w'hout lanthornes,
nor any at all in or about the powder roome. Let no Tobaccho
2 C 2
388 APPENDIX.
bee taken betwene decks or in Cabins, or in any part of the shipp,
but upon the forecastle or upper, where shall stand tubbs of
water to throw the ashes into, and to emptie their pipes.
TI. Let no man give offence to his officer, nor strike his
equall or Inferiour aboard, and let mutinous p'sons be punished in
most severe manner.
12. Let no man depart out of the shipp wherin he is first
entered w'hout leave of his Comander, nor let any Captain give
him entertainme* after he is lysted, upon paine of the severitie
of the law in that case.
Lansdown AfSS., 844, f. 314.
ORDERS AND INSTRUCTIONS TO BEE OBSERVED BY ALL THE
REGIMENTS.
1. The first and best order is to have prayers twice a day or
one at least in every Companie.
2. To have all Captaines to have leading staves, and a Targett,
and to ly upon their guard for the better ordering of the officers
and souldiers by example.
3. To have every night a Captaine of the watch in every
Regiment ; if the Companies lye much asunder, then to doe it by
those Captaines that have the watch or guard.
4. To have every night a Lieutenant Colonell, or a Serjeant
Major, to goe the round both day and night. If the Companies
lye fair asunder then to have two or more to do the dutie.
5. All the Lieutenants must be prepared with their Armes,
partisan, and Pystoll.
$. Every Ensigne wlh his Colours, Gorget, and Pystoll.
7. Every Sergeant w% his Halbert and Pistoll.
8. That every Companie watch every fourth day and night,
the better to keepe souldiers in action, and not to make it strange
when wee come before an Enemie.
9. Every Companie must bee furnished w*h two good drummes,
and drummers, and to comand the drummers to have alwayes
their eyes upon their Captaines, that they may know when to
beate and when not.
10. The souldiers ought to observe all the beatings of the
APPENDIX. 389
drumme, especially when he is to march, the first being to make
him readie, the second to put on his Armes. the third to draw
forth to the place of Armes.
1 1. A drumme is never to beate forth an alarme, but eyther a call,
or a march to avoide confusion, especiallie amongst new souldiers.
12. If there bee an alarme, it must bee taken as silentlie as may
bee, no soldiers to speake, but his officer, for a souldier is to obey
and not to speake.
Harl. MSS., 3638, £122.
Endorsed : — "ffor the ffleete. Anno Domini, 1625."
INSTRUCTIONS TO THE ADMIRALLS FOR FIVE IN A MESSE.
Whereas by the contrarietie of the wind, wee may be putt to a
further expence of victualls then wee are provided for, and being
at this time farr from any place whereby our wants may bee
supplied, to prevent such inconveniences as may hereby ensue,
These shall be to require yu forthwith, upon the receipt hereof,
to give p'sent order, that to every messe there may bee five,
untill wee shall be better enabled to make further provisions. And
this shall bee yr warrant. Dated this xiith of October, 1625.
E. WIMBLEDON.
INSTRUCTIONS.
The small time wee have beene at Sea hath made me take
notice of the disorderlie sayling from the Admiralls of yr severall
squadrons ; yu may p'ceive how the Dutch squadron keepe
themselves entire and a part. These are, therefore, to require yu
to fall into your owne squadron, to attend such directions as
shall come from yr Admirall, and not to depart w'thout lycence
from him or his officers, to make an entire body to sayle in the
day time in faire and cleer weather, a legue or more from another
squadron, and towards night to draw neere to follow lights in
yr severall places, and to take an especiall care that yu doe not
chace but upon great possibilitie, for hindring our speed and
loosing our time while the wind is faire, and that yu in the day
time beare all the sayle yu can to bring us to the place desired, and
39° APPENDIX.
if any chace it shall be two or three of the best saylours in yr
Squadron. Dated the 13th of October.
E. WIMBLEDON.
Yu are to p'use this and the other articles
every day to bee expert in them.
HarL MSS., 3638, f. 123.
MY LORD OF WIMBLEDON'S INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE ORDERING
AND DISPOSING OF THE SHIPPS TO MEETE THE WEST INDIAN
FFLEETE.
By reason of the difficultie of the Journey and variation of the
weather, wee being now come into the latitude of thirtie seaven
degrees, it is thought fitt to add these Instructions, that all the
ffleete may take notice to provide accordinglie.
The resolution houlds to lye 60 leagues off from the land ; and
for that it is conceived the West Indian ffleete may as well haule
in for the Rocke, as for the South Cape, wee doe intend to ply
betwene the degrees for the latitudes of 36 and 37, and not to
goe further to the Southward then the degree of 36.
If the wind be Easterlie, I would have the squadrons lye 2 or
3 leagues distant one from another upon a north or south line,
or soe face as wee may not loose sight of one another, being
conceived that these foure squadrons will spread near a degree in
latitude.
If the wind be northerlie wee will lye upon a north and south
line, or soe face as wee will not loose sight of one another, and
ply to windward keeping our selves in the latitude aforesaid.
If the wind bee northerlie or southerlie wee will keepe our
selves in the distance of longitude as aforesaid, and strive to
keepe our selves in the latitudes aforesaid.
It is also intended that every morning all the ffleete shall strike
a hull, and there ly an hour or two to looke out what they can
see, and then set sayle.
As the squadron spread, soe may each shipp in every squadron,
some ahead, some astearne, some to windward, some to leeward,
to bee neere and readie for any chace in the morning.
It shall bee lawfull for every shipp and shipps in every squadron
APPENDIX. 391
to undertake any possible chase, giving some signe to the rest of
the ffleete by shooting of one peece, or as many peices as there
bee shipps, or by brazling up his maynesaile or foresayle together ;
if it bee a ffleete, or otherwise, by hoy sing and striking his main-
topsaile and foretopsailes, if there bee cause, that the rest of the
shipps may take notice that he chaseth.
If you discover any of our owne squadrons and give chase unto
them, the chased shall strike his foretopsayle, and maine topsaile
and brayle up his mainsayle and foresayle, whereby it may be
knowne that he is of our ffleete, to the end that wee may not
chase one another.
In meeting w*h the West Indian ffleete, or other enemies, yu
shall assaile, and by all meanes endeavour to take them by board-
ing or otherwise, especiallie the merchants shipps, And for all
shipps seized and taken, no man shall presume to break hould or
bulke, or pillage but in case of fight, and that onelie betweene
the decks, but shall bring them to mee and my officers.
Lastlie, I doe hereby stricklie charge and command all Cap"
and Mrs to speake w*h the Admirall of his squadron every morn-
ing, and to keepe themselves in their severall devisions, and not
to depart but by license of their chiefe Commanders as for chase,
and whosoever shall neglect his dutie herein for want of looking
out night or day, and doe not observe these orders, he shall bee
dismissed and discharged of his office and place w*h disgrace and
the same conferred upon some other.
E. WIMBLEDON.
Aboard the Ann Royall,
The Qth of Nov., 1625.
LIST OF THE OFFICERS WHO SERVED IN THE CADIZ EXPEDITION
OF 1625. (From the list given at the end of Glanville's Journal
of the Voyage, published for the Camden Society in 1883.)
i. His Excie Regimente : — Captain es Sr John Prode, Seriant
Maior Thornix,1 Capt. Gifford,2 Knolles, Capt. Elpheston, Capt.
1 Sir Thomas Thornhurst. See sums claimed by him for his services at
Cadiz. — S. P. Dom. xliii. 39.
2 See mention of this officer in the postcript to Lord Wimbledon's letter, of
May I, 1627, in Chapter VII.
392 APPENDIX.
Paddon, Capt. Reynelles, Capt. Kirton, Capt. Counlrey, Capt.
Preston. Leiutenantes Bromingham,1 Prowde,2 Pottes, Nevell,
Tremaine, Colwell, Whitehead, Donne, Brett,3 Lee. Ensignes
Owen, Russell, Barsey, Greene, Moore, Pennannt, ffearne, Otby,
Warde, Bagg.
2. Lord Marshall's Regimente : — His Companie. — Captaines Sr
George Blundell, ffarrer,4 Croftes, Christmas, Crispe, Paprill,
Bridges, Gore, Edw. Leigh, Anth. Leigh. Leiutenantes Powell,
Booth, Basset, Grimshaw, Cheverton, Wormewood, Burthogg,
Horner, Browne, ffelton,5 Talbot. Ensignes Hawkins, Marbery,
Carlile, Halls, Dodson, Lindsey, Disson, Carewe, Pagitt, Dedham,
Bagnall.
3. Mr of the Ordinance Regimente : — His Companie — Captaines
Sprye,6 ffennethorp, Hammond, Brett,7 Taylor, ffisher, Hackett,
Bruce, Porter, Tolkarne. Leiutenantes ffrodisham, Searle,
Judge, Bowyer, Appleyard, Wilton, Brooke, Bemersyde, Reynolds,
Mathewes, Barnett. Ensignes Bowyer, Greenfeild, Bennett,
Markham, Appleyard, Leigh, Ogle, Bullock, ffullerton, Veale,
Ogle.
4. Colonell Generall's Regimente : — His Companie — Captaines
Sr Thomas Yorke,8 Hacklett,9 Carleton, Tucke, Hone, Shug-
borough,10 Alley, Crispe, Leake, Bowles, junr. Leiutenantes
ffrogmorton, Hynton, Hacklett, Ottey, Spring, Barington,
1 Slain in the attack on Puntal. The senior lieutenant bore the rank of
lieutenant and captain, hence this officer's designation as "Captain" in
Glanville's "Journal.
2 Slain in the attack on Puntal.
3 One of the duke's kindred, but which of the many of this name does not
appear.
4 Colonel Robert Farrer. He served at Cadiz, Rhe, and Rochelle. Was
promised a baronetcy by Buckingham, but his name does not appear in any
list of baronets.
* John Felton, the assassin of Buckingham.
6 Sir Harry Spry — this officer belonged to Lord Wimbledon's regiment in
the Low Countries, and was employed in the Isle of Rhe expedition in 1627.
7 Probably Captain Thomas Brett, to whom the duke gave a captain's com-
mission in Courtenay's regiment in the Isle of Rhe expedition, and who was
afterwards Deputy-Governor of Portsmouth to Lord Wimbledon.
8 Killed at the landing of the troops in the Isle of Rhe
9 Colonel Philip Hakluyt. Served at Cadiz, Rhe, and Rochelle.
10 Died of wounds in the Isle of Rhe, August 16, 1627. — Symonds to
Nicholas, August 25. — S. P. Dom.
APPENDIX. 393
Calvert, Quarles, Jarman, Goodridge, Vernon. Ensignes Pel-
ham, Trye, Gwynne, Kelke, Wattes, Smith Ban-Leigh, Heigham,
Pottes, Mathewes, Jennison.
5. SerieantMar Gener1 Regimente : — His Companie — Captaines
Gibson, Fryer,1 Courtenay,2 Richards, Mathews, Mostyne, Reade,
Bowles, senr, Bucke, Moldisworth. Leiutenantes Judd, Abraham,
Stevens, Prideaux, Grove, Powell, Warde, Cole, Sherrock, Coop.
Ensignes Whitney, Hall, Spilling, Trefuse, Bockard, Parker,
Hookes, Maddison, Bowles, Breerton, Sidenham.
6. Colonell Riche's Regimente : — Captaines Sr John Ratcliff,3
Standishe,4 Stewart, Grey, Skelton, Leighton, Waller, Corke,
Staverton, St. Leger. Leiutenantes Rich, Leigh, Drury, Waller,
Crispe, Grover, Gray, Williams, Brand, Parry, Chadwell, Hold-
ham. Ensignes ffrith, Coitt, Hunkes, Bowyer, Ramscroft, Story,
Price, Dudley, Jarves, Wormwood, Wright.
7. Colonell Conwey's Regimente : — His Companie — Captaines
Willoughby,5 Clapham, Pelham, Rainsford,6 Williams, Alford,7
Goring, Dixon, Hammond, Ogle. Leiutenantes Dawson,
Chaworth, Browne, Powell Morg, Huson, Heigham, Shelley,
Moore, Welcombe, Markham, Plesington. Ensignes Pinchbeake,
Ottey, Welles, Kettleby, Bartlett, Cross, Hudson, Maxey, Ayres,
Netherton, Browne.
8. Colonell Horwood's Regimente : — His Companie — Sr Tho.
J Sir Thomas Fryer. Served at Cadiz, Rhe, and Rochelle. Buckingham
was stabbed by Felton when stooping down to speak to CoL Fryer in Capt.
Mason's house on August 23rd, 1628.
2 Captain Wm. Courtenay, of Lord Wimbledon's regiment in the Low
Countries. He was knighted in 1627, and made colonel of a regiment employed
in the expedition to the Isle of Rhe.
3 Sir John Radclyffe, of Ordshall Co. Lancaster, Knt. , born 1581, married
Alice, eldest daughter of Sir John Byron, of Newstead, Notts, and had issue.
Sir John was slain in the Isle of Rhe, Oct. 29, 1627.
4 Served in the Isle of Rhe expedition with the rank of serjeant-major, and
was slain in the retreat
5 Sir Francis Willoughby, son and heir of Sir Percival Willoughby, of
Wollaton Hall, Notts. Lord Middleton is Sir Francis Willoughby's direct
descendant and representative.
* Afterwards Sir Francis Rainsford. This officer was called from the Low
Countries to serve in the Cadiz expedition.
7 This officer had previously served in Ireland.
394 APPENDIX.
Moreton,1 Watkins, Jackson, Abraham,2 Gibthorp, Gibthorpe,
Heatley, Dowglas, Seymour, Masterson, Morgan. Leiutenantes
Alcock, Dawson, Humfreys, Tillier, Lewkin, Bridges, Briges,
Anderson, Woodward, Westcott, Love, Games. Ensignes Arkeld,
Betnam, Stewart, Stanton, Champnowne, Lucas, Lucas, Hunt,
Saltingstone, ffoscue, Stevens, Eden.
9. Colonel Burgh's Regimente: — His Companie — Captaines
Sr Alexr Brett, Sr Edw. Hanley,8 Bettes, Terrett, Hill, Bond,
Lindsey, Grove, Lindsey, Greenfeild,4 Parkinson. Leiutenantes
Jeffereys, Tourney, Wattes, Yates, Atchinson, Outridd, Searles,
Jones, Dodsworth, Jones, Pollard, Long. Ensignes ffanshawe,
Bluddell, Watnam, Gibes, ffolliatt, Knolles, ffoy, Thorpe, Cludd,
Thorp, Ayleworth.
10. Colonell Bruce's 8 Regimente : — His Companie — Captaines
Sr Hen. Killigrewe, Scott, Wood, Cornewell, Gilpin, Ashley,
Glynne, Meutus, Norton, Yates. Leiutenantes St. Paule, Broad-
ribbe, Cowley, Saundilance, Coffin, ffoxe, Honniwood, Powell,
Bathurst, Jarvis, Houghton. Ensignes Gibbes, Bruce, Boswell,
Willoughby, Lowe, Vaughan, Robinson, Hobbes, Williams, Webb,
Green.
Lansd. MSS., 844, f. 315.
MY LORD OF WIMBLEDON'S OPINION OF THE COMMODITIES
AND DISCOMMODITIES OF UNDERTAKING AND RELEEVINGE
ROCHELL, 1627.
That when his Matie shall bee forced to make a warr agt.
ffrance he can not have a greater advantage, or a better cause,
then to assist his owne religion that is here professed, and is
now in danger to bee extinguished, and the rather because all
those of the Contrarie doe assist one another to overthrow ours.
Besides his rightful title and claime to that kingdome his Matie
1 This officer was one of the witnesses of Buckingham's assassination, and
protected Felton from being killed by the enraged bystanders.
2 Slain in the Isle of Rhe expedition.
3 Sir Edward Hanley (or Halley ? ) greatly distinguished himself in the
retreat from the Isle of Rhe, and was slain.
4 Sir Richard Greenville, mentioned in Chapter VIII.
5 Sir Henry Bruce was made a gent, of the Privy Chamber to Charles I.
in 1629.
APPENDIX. 395
was made a warrant 6° suretie in the last articles for the peace,
wh. was established betwene the ffrench king and the religion.
Therefore he can not have better cause, for it maketh the warr
both iust 6° necessarie.
That his Made is invited hereunto by Conscience and Pollicie.
By Conscience, they being of the same religion. By Pollicie, for
that if he releeveth Rochell, he shall have as great an advantage,
as one king can have of another, for it is an extraordinarie strong
place both by nature and situation, wch are the strongest points of
ffortification, having defended it selfe miraculouslie for a long
time, against a great Kingdome, and w'hout much assistance,
wherin God hath blessed them wonderfullie, that have governed
here w'h such understanding and constancie, ffor all the strength
of nature and Art is nothing w*hout a prudent vigilant govern-
ment, for that his Matie hath more reason both for God's service
6° in pollicie, to undertake it (being urged thereunto) then any
king can have. And it is much more Commoditie to releeve
then winne a strong place, and it will advantage his Matie
every way as well to make an honble peace, as to continue warr.
That since his Matie is urged to a warr, it will bee a greater
advantage cv Commoditie to have occasion to breed his subjects
souldiers, 6* to recover that ignorance 6° poorenes that our
long peace hath beene cause off. ffor there is noe kingdome can
thinke it selfe safe wlhout the practise and knowledge of warr.
And that peace hath soe beesotted us, that as wee are altogither
ignorant, soe are wee soe much the more, as not sensible of that
defect, ffor wee thinke if wee have men &> shipps our kingdome
is safe, as if men were borne souldiers, wch mistaking maketh the
King of Spaine scorne us, that findeth his experience the greatest
reason to make his growing greatness prosper.
ffor he that knoweth the mysterie of warr knoweth it to bee
of that necessitie, 6- that there is few that obteineth it, but when
he is soe oulde, that eyther he is not able to practise it, or death
doth hinder him ; hath not the lacke of practise almost lost all
Germanic ? wch is likelie to bee made the greatest Conquest that
ever was made. Hath not that Conquest beene before attempted
ther often, and by the greatest Prince and souldier that ever was,
wch was Charles the fifte, and yet w'hstoode not by those w°h
were no souldiers, but by those wch had practised the art of warr.
39^ APPENDIX.
Now peace hath made men so ignorant and unskilfull that they
loose whole kingdoms w'hout striking a stroake ; ffor there is no
such Cowardlines as in ignorant Cowards, nor nothing that
fortifyeth courage like knowledge. Did not the twelve years
Truce endanger the whole estate of the Lowe Countries that
before had the practise so certaine? Will the lowe Countries
part w*h any of their ould souldiers? Noe, not to his Matie,
though they bee his owne subiects. And is there any thing hath
made the King of Spaine soe great but his ould souldiers?
These reasons and many more I could alleadge to show that his
Matie is not unhappie to have occasion to make warr, by wch he may
breed his subiects souldiers againe. Though there are many that
thinke, soe they have money enough, numbers of men, and store
of shippinge, they thinke themselves dv their state safe enough.
But they must account all their materialls but dead bodies, ffor
as a body can not stirr w*hout life, so materialls can not fight by
themselves, but must have experience w°h is the life of materialls.
Was there ever known a king to prosper in warr, that was not
furnished w% souldiers of experience ? I could wish no greater
harme to the King of Spaine but to make a long peace, and
hereby bee out of an Armie of expert souldiers as his Matie is.
Is it not the losse of many kingdomes ?
I, [aye] and in these last dayes, there bee also that say (when they
see any souldiers kept in garrison to bee exercised in the winter
time), what should wee doe w*h this Charge ? if they were to fight
w*h them they would not say soe. Therefore in other kingdomes,
as ffrance and Spaine, the Nobilitie are bred in their youth to
know what warr is, and then they will not say when the king is in
warr, what shall wee doe w'h these souldiers to bee a charge to
the Countrie ? as if they would save money and loose the King-
dome, especially when they may remember how this Kingdome
hath beene foure times Conquered (though an Island), and never
for want of money or men, but souldiers. Soe that, that King-
dome wch shall live long w*hout warr must needs bee in danger
though it bee never so politiquelie gouverned, and especially if
warr bee not p'vided for in peace.
That there is no way to releeve Rochell, but by Sea, and the
Kingdome never soe well provided of shipping eyther for number,
greatnes, or goodnes as at this present.
APPENDIX. 397
That since his Made must needs break w'h ffrance, he could
never doe it at a better advantage, both that the Religion hath
neede of it <5v that his Matie is humblie desired to assist them.
And that the King of ffrance is using all the meanes he can to
bee master of the narrow Seas, that wee in this time of peace
have so much neglected. And he is a great King, 6° rich ; 6*
if wee suffer him to goe on, he will bee Master, doe what wee can.
ffor that Prince that will pay well will rob any other Prince of his
best souldiers, both by Land 6° Sea. But if he bee looked to in
time, there is nothing soe easie as to hinder the growth of his
ffleete, as to sett upon him before he hath made up his strength
at Sea. Soe that to effect this, his Matie could not more opor-
tunelie begin a warr then now at this instant.
That it will be a great advantage to his Matie to bee the under-
taker, for undertaking w*h Councell &* indgem* doth play two
parts, both offence and defence. And besides in going to find an
Enemie, especiallie at Sea, that doth expect another, shall have
the choise of wind, tyme, 6° tydes, 6° come fresher w*h more
terror & furye, then they that defend onelie, w°h maketh it
accompted, that those that doe but defend are but halfe armed,
neyther can they bee in that good order as those that shall come
upon them, nor so fresh, nor soe full of Courage, neyther are
their shippes soe light and cleane.
That when our resolution shall bee knowne in ffrance that wee
are resolved to entertaine a warr, assuredlie all ffrance will bee
in Armes, and the Nobilitie on horsebacke, ffor the warr of ffrance
is the harvest of the Nobilitie, wch maketh them bee followed w'h
soe great a teame, that there is noe gentleman, or man of qualitie
that doth not know his Cheife, partie, <5^ Rendezvous. And to that
end there is never wanting some discontented Nobilitie or other
to make a quarrell, And as they say there is many at this present,
in regard they have a Priest Cardinall to Command them, and
doe hould themselves the bravest Nation of the World.
And that w°h encourageth them more to factions and devisions
is, that that Prince that can bee ablest to make the greatest warr
ag* his King is best and first recompenced w*h honour, wch in all
other States is held rebellion. Soe that our quarrell will be
welcome to the Papists and Protestants, and soe Commodious to us.
That if wee releeve Rochell wee shall have a great partie of the
APPENDIX.
religion to encrease our Armie w'hout any great Charge and to
bee our guides 6° Intelligencers.
That wee may possesse our selves of many strong places
besides Rochell, to bee able to draw the Countrie into Contribu-
tion to beare some of his Maties charge.
That if wee releeve that place, wee shall bee M" of a brave
harbour, or roade, w°h wee never had before, and so nigh the
King of Spaines Coasts, especially the Coast and Bay of Biskey,
where his best harbours are and his best Seamen, and hereby bee
readier then ever to undertake any thing against him, and hinder
the trafique of both kingdomes, and to retire our Shipps upon all
occasions, and command the Sea more then ever.
That wee may hope when wee have engaged ffrance in a warr
towards Rochell 6° those parts, that the King of Spaine, that
looseth noe occasion to encrease his greatnes, let it bee right or
wrong, will set the Duke of Savoy (that is now discontented w%
ffrance and friends w'h Spayne, and is an ambitious Prince) upon
some part of ffrance, wch he once lost to the ffrench, or make his
own Conquest of the Valtoline compleate, wch may serve us for a
diverson ag* his will. And if these bee advantages and Com-
modities, there are many more that I can not thinke off, or set
downe.
THE DISCOMMODITIES, WHAT THEY ARE.
That we ought not to flatter our selves by hiding our discom-
modities, for if wee doe, our Enemies and they will discover
them to us to our preiudice. Therefore it is better alwayes,
especiallie in great actions, to suspect the worst then to hide
any, otherwise our expectance will bee to late, 6° prove to dear.
That wee must consider, that wee have beene too long in
peace, and have spent our treasure in time of peace, that should
have served us now in warr, and made warr to great a stranger to
us. And to have prepared for a warr, before wee had entered into
it had beene good, ffor as there is nothing wee can undertake but
wee must provide for it, soe is there more need for a preparation
for warr, then any thing in the world, for there is no action soe
great as warr. It is as high a point as God hath given us leave
to reach unto, for it comprehends all things, and therefore God
stiles him selfe the God of Hostes.
APPENDIX. 399
That wee must consider that his Matie hath but little raeanes at
this present to make a warr w*h. And a warr would not onelie
have a provision of money made, but a treasurie apart, that noe
other occasion should diminish it, but warr. ffor it is a great
hinderance to his Maties service,"first to Councell and then to hunt
for money to this place and that place ; and in expeditions, time
is as pretious as money, and sometime the saving of a kingdome,
as the Proverbe saith : " give me time, give me life." And that
Enemie that getteth the starte of another in time, will never take
any harme, and will doe his busines much the cheaper, besides
the hope of victorie.
Therefore to want money and to loose time too, is a double
want, 6* will in time grow dangerous, and there is no such danger
as confusion, wch commeth by want of money 6^ time.
That his Matie is to make an accompt to make warr ag* two
kings, the one having begunne w% his Matie, the other having
provoked his Matie to beginn w'h him. There is a great discom-
moditie of it selfe, but much more when it is considered w% the
rest.
That the quarrell is some part of it, to bee made for religion,
therefore those kings will have more to Contribute to their warr
then his Matie shall have. And as they are the more in number,
for are they richer, and more willinglie contribute, being ledd by
their blind devotion, 6° for that the discepline of their Church
hath more command of their partie then wee have of ours.
That this kingdome hath beene too long in peace, that our
ould Commanders both by Sea 6° Land are worne out, and few
men are bredd in their places, for that the knowledge of warr <§N
almost the thought of warr is extinguished. The people have no
affection to Contribute to warr, and find it soe strange to bee
pressed, that they thinke it almost Tyranny; where in Queene
Elizabeth's time they would receive it obedientlie, 6° many offer
themselves. So that by experience it is scene that it is noe safetie
for a State that hath many 6° great Enemies, to let a people live
to6 long in peace.
That as our Mariners are out of practise, soe they are out
of heart, having gotten little bootie 6° scant their wages. That
our landmen are grown poore, and discouraged for want of their
pay in warr, &> meanes in peace so that the courage that was wont
4OO APPENDIX.
to bee in them, is changed, benummed 6° asleepe, or vanished I
know not how.
That wee have neglected the advantage of helping Rochell too
long, wch by God hath beene alwaies offered to us as a tye upon
that kingdome that never would have dared to have assalted the
religion of that kingdome, till they found the humour of our late
king, that he would not enter into a warr upon any Conditions,
noe, not the warr of Germanic that did concerne him 6° his
children soe much, and out of the exceeding love of peace
resigned the two cautionary townes, fflushing d^ Brill, the one
being the key of Zeland, the other of Holland, wch hath caused us
to bee shut out of the Councell of State ; And these have beene
the Commodities of our peace.
That wee have by neglect, I feare, made the design of releeving
Rochell (that was easie if it had beene undertaken in time) hard
6° dangerous and costlie. And if wee take not the more care 6-
use more diligence, it will bee ympossible. A greate deale of time
hath beene spent since that releefe was resolved off, and I feare a
greate deale more will passe before the fleete bee readie to set forth.
And as all warr is dangerous and doubtfull, soe nothing more
dangerous then want of meanes 6° time neglected ; Therefore, if
these inconveniences bee not prevented, it is better to stand upon
a defensive warr, then to endanger our selves, and by that meanes
to discourage our friends, dv doe them noe good, but rather harme.
That I feare that Rochell is alreadie blocked up both by land
and Sea, and that the king of ffrance hath drawne downe his
Armie before it, and that the mouth of the harbour is choaked up
by boates that are sunke in the haven, w°h if it bee true there
need noe more harme to bee done to that towne.
That if the king of Spaine doe resolve to ioyne w*h the king of
ffrance his ffleete, to hinder any releefe to come to Rochell, he
is not onelie powerfull at Sea, but a nigh neighbour of ffrance and
Rochell by the Bay of Biskey, wch is right ag* it, where he hath
store of good havens to have a fleete readie, and whence his best
seamen are. And to instance the conveniencie of it, yu may read
in the life of Edward the 3rd that an Earle of Pembroke, Admirall
of fortie shipps, was here beaten and taken prisoner, and after
ransommed. And, to increase their misfortunes, the more coming
home sicke in a litter through ffrance dyed by the way.
APPENDIX. 4OI
That although there are here many strong places about Rochell,
that are strong to the Landward and not to the Sea, w°h wee may
take, yet wee must not p'sume that that kingdome is soe ignorant,
that when they shall discover a {fleet at Sea, but will have iudm*
to fill full all places that lyeth upon that Coast that they soe much
suspect. And there is nothing that for the time defendeth a place
as many hands that are well commanded. And they have more
advantage to watch their Coast then wee have, ffor they have
garrisons alwaies kept winter and summer w°h we have not. And
besides strong places are never gained but by the negligence and
ignorance of him that commandeth, and the courage, secresie, and
diligence of him that undertaketh, wch maketh all surprises soe
rare. But the rule of warr is nothing ventor, nothing have ; and
the rule is, that nothing is to bee undertaken but the Com-
modities and discommodities must be first discovered, and then
resolved, for there is nothing impossible in the world to Councill,
iudjm*, experience, courage, and industrie, and ever was and ever
will bee.
THE LORD VISCOUNT WIMBLETON'S METHOD HOW THE COASTS
OF THIS KINGDOME MAY BE DEFENDED AGAINST ANY ENEMIE,
IF IN CASE THE ROYAL NAVIE SHOULD BE OTHERWISE
EMPLOYED OR IMPEACHED, 1628.
Royal MSS. 18. A LXXVIII.
The following extract from above tract 1 is given in Walpole's
Royal and Noble Authors, II. pp. 308-11.
" That uppon the first fieringe the beacons
there be a generall spoyle made of the countrie wheare hee
entendeth to land, to the intent that the enemie make no use
of it for his reliefe. For there is nothinge that an invading enemy
will sooner want then victualles ; and therefore it hath beene an
antient pollicie in all nations, to performe this spoile, soe soone
as they have offered to land. But pittie hath often overcome
this necessary resolucion of many wise menn, who, lettinge it
1 This tract commences by showing how the English coast may best be
protected according to the military tactics of that period, and then goes on to
recommend what should be done in case of the enemy effecting a landing.
VOL. II. 2 D
4O2 APPENDIX.
slippe without execution, have lost much by it, and repented it
too late, as the late prince of Orange did before Breda, &c.
" Likewise theare must be a care of providinge for the countries
[counties] that shal bee further distant, for themselves, their wives,
children and goods. For they wilbee in as much danger by our men
as the enemy, and how cann everie poore man thincke to defend
himself particularlie ? Therefore, all poore menn and others that
dwell farr from any markett towne, must repaire to churches and
churchyards and theare putt theire goods and themselves, and
helpe to fortifie the place, which may be donne suddenlie by their
owne industrie. And whereas, they weare not able to defend
themselves aparte, yett together they wil bee able to defend them-
selves from any partie, either of ours or the enemies — and this is
not invention, but a course held in all countries where warr is.
" But the danger of all is, that a people not used to a warr,
believeth that noe enemie dare venture uppon them, which may
make them neglect it the more, for that theire ignorance doth
blinde them, as they did in the Palatinate, when Spinola did pre-
pare an army to invade them ; which maketh mee remember to
the same purpose, the speech of that brave and valiant gentleman
generall Norris, that in 1588 said, that hee wondered hee could
see noe man in the kingdome afeard, but himselfe. For theire is
no difference, betweene those that are soldiers and those that are
not, but that the one prepares aforehand, the other too late.
"Not to leave anythinge that may turne to the good of the
Kingdome and your majestie's service, I will touch somethinge
that in case an enemie shall land, wee should do, as well as to
keepe him from landinge. If an enemie be suffered to lande,
whether should hee bee offered battell or not ? For my parte,
my advice is, by no meanes; for these reasons. First; it is no
pollicie to offer that which an enemie will seeke for, by all
meanes : theare being no greater advantage for such an enemie
then to fight a battell. Likewise, if hee come to conquer, hee is
prepared for it, as his best game : therefore the sooner hee doth
fight the lesse wilbe his necessitie, and the more his hope to make
his conquest quicklie ; which wilbe better for him than to staie
longer, and hazarde his fortune sundrie times, by that meanes
dhninishinge his troopes and victuall, without any hope to reen-
force or releive them A.11 which (as I said before) will make for
APPENDIX 403
your majestic ; for the oftener you come to fight in your defence,
the more encouragement and assurance you shall have, and the
more discouragement and despaire your enemies.
"When it shalbee indifference for your majestic to fight a
battell, the true rules of the warr are, never to fight but uppon
two occasions : the one beinge uppon a great advantage, the
other, on a great necessitie. But if an enemie should land (as God
forbid), hee must be enterteyned in this manner : theare must
bee divers armies made, (as your majestic shall not want men,
though you want soldiers) some of tenn thousand, nine thousand,
seaven thousand, and six thousand, as they will fall out ; and all
to bee entrenched, soe soone as they approach the enemie. For
by reason of fortification, that may bee suddenlie made, thear will
be good time given to draw store of troopes together, without
danger ; and it is held as a maxime in the warrs, that hee is
the best soldier that cann keepe his enemie from fightinge and
bee able to fight when he pleaseth. Theise armies must be dis-
posed in sundrie places, round about the enemie ; theare beinge
no such amasement to an enemie as to see themselves environned
about ; and it is most certeine, that a battle cannot fight everie
waie. Wherefore, by this meanes hee shalbee charged in the
reare, flanck and front, which will trouble the bravest enemie in
the world. Besides, hee must be kept watchinge, with often
skirmidges and alarmes, that hee may never bee in rest ; and if
hee will needs fight, lett him, for hee shall fight on all theise dis-
advantages, if those that command know how to command.
" It will not be amisse to have all directions and commands
written ; which if it bee necessarie in the best disciplined armies,
wilbee more requisite in an armie consistinge of trained soldiers ;
for the errors of the warr may bee the losse of a kingdome.
Therefore it will not bee fitt to have it excused with mistakinge.
And so, I end my designe to shewe how your majesties kingdome
may bee defended, if your majesties navie be Wantinge, or other-
wise employed."
THE FUNERAL CERTIFICATE OF VISCOUNT WiMBLEDON.1
The right hoble Edward Cecyll, Viscount Wymbledon and
Baron of Putney, so created by King Charles in the first year of
1 From a copy in the Heralds' College.
2 D 2
404 APPENDIX.
his raigne, departed this mortall life at his house at Wymbledon
aforesaid on Friday the sixteenth day of November, 1638. He
married three wives. The first was Theodotia, of the house of
the Lord Nowell [Noel] by the mother of the howse of the Lord
Harrington, who died at Utrecht in Holland, by whom he had
issue fowre dauthers, Dorothy Cecyll, yet unmaried; Albinia,
second daughter, maried to Sr Christopher Wray of Barlings
Abbey in the County of Lincoln, Knt; Elizabeth, third daughter,
maried to the right hoble Francis Lord Willoughby, Baron of
Parham ; Francess, 4th daughter, maried to James Fynes, Esquire,
sonne and heire apparent to the Lo. Viscount Say and Scale.
His Lop'B second wife was Diana Drury of Hawsteed, in the
County of Suffolk, and by the mother descended from the antient
familie of the Duke of Bucks and Stafford, and one of the Coheires
of Sir Robert Drury of Hawsteed aforesaid, Kn*, by whome he had
issue one daughter, named Anne Cecill, that died an infant. His
Lop's 3rd wife was Sophia, daughter to Sr Edward Zouch of
Woking, in the County of Surrey, Knight, by whome he had one
sonne, named Algernoun, who died an infant. He followed the
warres in the Netherlands thirty-five years, and passed the degrees
of Captaine of Foote and Horse, Collonell of Foote and Collonell
of the English horse ; at the Battell of Newport in Flanders. He
was Lo. Marshall, Lieutenant Generall and Generall against the
King of Spaine, and Emperor, in the service of King James the
first, and at his return was made Governr of State and Warre and
Lord Lieutenant of the County of Surrey, and Captaine and
Governour of Portsmouth.
This certificate was taken by Wm Ryley, Bluemantle, to be
registered in the Office of Armes, the truth whereof is attested by
the said Sr Christopher Wray.
CHRISTOF WRAY.
THE END.
INDEX TO VOL. II.
ABB
ABBOT, GEORGE, Archbishop of Can-
terbury, 8 1
Admiral, the Lord High, of England
(see Villiers, George)
Adolphus, Gustavus (see under Gus-
tavus)
Albemarle, Duke of (see Monk, George)
Alleyn, Edward, licence to from
James I., 190 n
Andover, Viscount (see Howard, Thos.)
Anne, of Austria, Queen of France,
the Duke of Buckingham's passion
for, 103
Anne Royal, H.M.S references to,
passim, 139-244
Antrim, Earl of, 333 n
Antrim, Marquis of, 333 n
Antwerp, attempted surprise of, by the
States' troops, 66-7 ; the Prince of
Orange's plan for besieging, 309 ; the
cause of its failure, ibid.
Argall, Sir Samuel, 128 «; 140 « ;
acts temporarily as Vice-Admiral of
the English fleet in Cadiz Bay,
1 8 1-2 ; is unable to take his ships
into Port Royal creek, 185 ; returns
to Puntal, 1 86
Aston, Walter Lord, buys land from
Lord Wimbledon, 316
BADEN, Duke of, raises troops to help
in the recovery of the Palatinate, 9 ;
makes terms with the Emperor
Ferdinand, 12
Bagg, Sir James, victualler of the
Cadiz fleet, 198 « ; exculpates himself
to the Duke of Buckingham, 234-5
Balfour, Sir Wm., Capt. of Cavalry
in the Dutch service, 7
Banbury, Earl of (fee Knollys, Wm.)
Banbury, Countess of (see Howard,
Elizabeth)
Barnardiston, Elizth. Lady (see King)
Barnardiston, Sir John, 373 n
Barnardiston, Sir Samuel, 373 n
Barnardiston, Sir Thos. 373 and «, 374
Bastamente, Don Francis, governor of
Puntal fort, surrenders fort to Sir
Edward Cecil, 170
Bavaria, Maximilian, Duke of, 33, 75
Baynes, Capt. Adams, purchases Wim-
bledon Manor, 369
Bayon Isles, off Galicia, 192 and n
Beaumont, Mary, Countess of Buck-
ingham, 285
Bell, Lieut, wounded before Breda, 88
Berg, General, Count Van den, captures
Juliers, 3 and n ; the Duke of Weimar
his prisoner, 32 ; invades Holland,
51 ; obliged to retrace his steps, 53 ;
attempts to relieve Bois-le-duc, 294 ;
invades Holland and takes Amers-
fort, 296 ; obliged to retire to Rhine-
berg, ibid.
Bergen-op-zoom, threatened by Spi-
nola, 4 ; General Cecil arrives at, 5 ;
journal of the siege, defence, and
relief of, 16-32
Bertie, Robert, loth Baron Willoughby
de Eresby and 1st Earl of Lindsey,
commands an English regiment in
Holland, 63 ; accompanies the
Prince of Orange on his march to
relieve Breda, 65 « ; marches to
Waelwick with Prince Henry of
Nassau, 68 ; mortality in his regiment,
8 1 ; sent as admiral of an English
fleet to Spain, 262 ; return home
without having done anything, ibid. ;
his troops not paid, 263 ; declines
the command of the British regiments
sent to Denmark, 270 ; sent in com-
mand of the English fleet to relieve
Rochelle, 286 and »
406
INDEX.
BXK
Bertie, Lord Vere, 363 n
Pf Iran i n, Albinia (see Wray)
Betenson, Sir Richard, 358 and n, 363 n
Betenson, Richard, 358 and n
Bligh, General, his expedition against
St. Malo referred to, 191 and n
Blount, Charles, Earl of Devonshire,
346 n
Blount, Moontjoy, Earl of Newport,
346 and n
Blundell, Sir George, 70 and n ; has a
command in the fleet sent to Cadiz,
122 and 140 ; his grief at the failure of
the expedition, 196 ; refuses to take
part in the accusation against Sir E.
Cecil, 253 ; one of the senior officers
in Cecil's regiment at Cadiz, 392
Appendix
Bohemia, ex-king of (see Frederick,
Elector Palatine)
Bohemia, ex-queen of (see Elizabeth,
Princess of England)
Bois-le-duc, attempted surprise of, by
Maurice of Nassau, 6 and n ; siege of,
by Henry of Nassau, 291-8
Boidnc (see Bois-le-duc)
Borla.se, Lieut. CoL Sir John, named
for the command of an English regt.
to be sent to Holland, 62
Bouillon, Duke of, his hospitality at
Sedan to the ex-king of Bohemia, 13 ;
present in the States' Camp before
Bois-le-duc, 295
Bowyer, Capt., General Cecil's lieu-
tenant at Nieuport battle, 86
Boyle, Richard, Earl of Cork, 163 «
Brandenburgh, Geo. Wnu, Elector
of, 302 n
Breda, besieged by Spinola, 64 ;
Maurice of Nassau's great affection
for, 65 ; strength of fortifications
round, So ; the Prince of Orange's
anxiety for the safety of, on his death
bed, 83 ; Mansfeld's troops forbidden
to march to the relief of, 84 ; per-
mission granted by Chas. I. for his
troops to relieve, 85 ; Henry of
Nassau attempts to break through
Spinola '% lines round, 87—8 ; sur-
renders to Spinola, 88
Brett, Anne, Countess of Middlesex, 6 n
Brett, Sir Alexander, Capt, 140 and n,
i7&» 394 Appendix
Brett, Captain Thomas, deputy gov-
ernor of Portsmouth uader Lord
Wimbledon, 304 ; bis witty speech
about the Cadiz fleet, 304 « ; his
remonstrance to the Privy Council
concerning defences of Portsmouth,
361 ; Executor of Lord Wimbledon's
will, 353
Bristol, Earl of {see Digby, John)
Brooke, Lord (see Greville, Fulke)
Broucham (?) Governor of Bergen-op-
zoom, commands the Dutch troops
sent to surprise Antwerp, 66-7
Brougham, Captain Edward, killed at
the attack on Puntal, 169
Bruce, Colonel, Sir Henry, receives an
invitation to go with the English
fleet, 122 ; advocates a descent upon
Gibraltar, 161 « ; inarches inland
with Sir E. Cecil, 176 ; praises the
conduct of the men in his regiment,
183 « ; his regiment, 394 Appendix
Brace, Sir John, killed at assault of
Puntal fort, 169
Bruille, Father, employed in an im-
portant mission by Richelieu, 59
Brunswick, Christian Duke of, takes
the field to help in the recovery of
the Palatinate, 9 ; routed by Tilly,
12 ; his gallantry at battle of Fleurus,
14 and n • visits England and is
made a K.G. by James I., 79 ; his
death, 291
Buccleuch, Earl of (see Scott, William)
Buckingham, Duke of (see Villiers,
George)
Buckingham, Countess of (see Beau-
mont, Mary)
Buckingham, Duke of (see Stafford,
Edward)
Bnckhurst, Lord (see Sackville)
Burgh, Sir John (see Burroughs)
Burroughs, Colonel Sir John, his brave
defence of Frankenthal, 34 ; knighted
by James L on his return to England,
ibid. ; commands a regiment in Count
Mansfeld's expedition, 74 ; Bucking-
ham invites him to go with the great
fleet as colonel of a regiment, 95-6 ;
takes a prominent part in the attack
on Puntal, i6o/~7o and n ; marches
inland with Sir E. Cecil, 176; his
grief at the failure of the Cadiz
expedition, 196 ; takes part in the
accusation against General Cecil,
249 and 251 ; killed in the I
Rhe, 276 and n ; bis funeral in West-
minster Abbey, 281 and n ; list of the
officers in his regiment at Cadiz, 394
INDEX.
407
Bolter, Sir Thomas, one of tbe Council
of War, 57 ; in Ireland, 2*6 ; to be
questioned by the Commons, 250
CA»IZ, the expedition to in 1625 under
Sir Edward Cecil, references to,
fmssxm, 152-363
Casnartben, Marquis <of (see Osborne,
Thomas)
Candale, Duke of, Colonel of a French
regiment in tbe States1 service, 295
and n
Canterbury, Archbishop of (sec. under
beads of Abbot, Cranroer, Land
and Pole)
Cairew, Sir Francis, a volunteer under
Sir £. Cecil in Cadiz expedition, 155
and «, 167
Carew, George, Earl of Totnes, one of
line Council of War, 57 and 8l ; his
;acoannt of the fire at Cecil House,
:x
Cairew, Kicnolas, 155 *
Carcy, Ferdinando, wounded at siege
of Bergen-qp-zoom, 21
Cairy, Lncras, Viscount Falkland,
commission to, 319
Carleron, Sir Ihidley, afterwards
Viscount Dorchester, lays the king
<off England^ warlike plans before
tbe assembly of the States-General,
96-7 ; procures the Duke of Bucking-
ham a commission from the ex-king
off Bohemia, as admiral of the fleet,
jK; his difficulty in dealing with
2,<ooo recruits sent from England,
125; created Viscount Dorchester,
993 * ; his death, ibid.
Carlisle, Earl of (see Hay, James)
Casey, Anne, Lady Vcre Bertie, 363 n
CSTCM&SB, HaEam, Viscount Mans-
field, afterwards Duke of Newcastle,
258 and *
Caxes, Eugenio, his picture of the
repulse of the English under Sir £,
Cecil aJ Cadiz, 172 m
C«cil, Hon. Albinia, Lady Wray,
mentioned in Lord Exeter's will,
35 » ; her marriage lo Christopher
Wray, 45 and »; her family and
, 365-5 ; 404 Appendix
. ,:•-.. '. son of Lore
*« birth at Wimbledon
and » ; enaered on the
foundation list oi Wesiminster school,
•n ; his death, Aid.
CEC
Cecfl, Anne, 358, 404 Appendix
Cecil, Diana, Viscountess Wimbledon
(see Drnry)
CecQ, Lady Diana, Countess of Oxford,
96 n
Cecfl, Dorothy, Conntess of Exeter (sec
Cecil, Hon. Dorothy, 362-3 ; her
charities at Wimbledon, 363 n ; her
will, ibid.
Cecil, General Sir "Edward, Baron
Putney and Viscount Wimbledon,
the strength of his regiment in
Holland, 1-2 ; visits Bergen-op-zoom
during the siege, 4-5 ; commands
the British troops in the attack on
Bois-le-dnc, 6 n ; his challenge to Sir
Edward Vere, ibid. ; present with his
regiment at the relief of Bergen-op-
zoom, 14-5 ; summary of his pro-
ceedings at Bergen-op-zoom, 19-21 ;
his report to the Prince of Orange,
21-2 ; offered the appointment of com-
mandant at Bergen-op-zoom, 24and n;
his reasons for refusing the command,
ibid. ; reference to his services at
Xieuport battle, 26 ; his regiment
receives recruits from Sir Horace
Vere's disbanded regiment, 33 and
» ; death of his father the Earl of
Exeter, 35 and » ; Wimbledon House
bequeathed to, i/ad. ; obtains leave of
absence from the Prince of Orange,
42; marriage of his daughter Al-
binia, 45 and » ; his report to Sir
Ed ward Conway about English small
arms, 46-7 ; returned M,P, for
Dover, 49 ; speaks in Parliament
abont the Spanish marriage treaty,
53 ; is one of the Committee sent to
the House of Lords to hear the
Prince of Wales and Duke of Buck-
ingham give their version of the
Spanish negotiations, 54 ; is unseated
for a flaw in his election, Had. ; his
indignation thereat, 55 ; regains his
seat, 56 ; on committee for enquiring
into a special grievance, 57 ; ap-
pointed one of the Council of War,
ibid \ on committee for drawing up
an Act against the secret receiving
of pensions and gifts, 61 ; appointed
arbitrator in the dispute between
Colonels ihe Earl of Essex and
Lord Willonghby, 63 ; rt joins his
regiment in Holland, ilnd. ; marches
408
INDEX.
with his regiment to Made, 65 « ;
accompanies Count Henry of Nassau
to Waelwick, 68 ; commands the
British troops at Waelwick, 69 ; his
report of this quarter to the Duke of
Buckingham, 70-1 ; great mortality
in his regiment, 8l ; his report of
the force destined for the relief of
Breda, 85-6 ; is offered the important
command by the Duke of Buck-
ingham of Lord Marshal of the
troops to be sent with the English
fleet, 92-4; Sir W. St. Leger joins
him at Waelwick, 97 ; makts pre-
parations in the Low Countries for
some of the wants of the fleet, 99-
100 ; his advice to Lord Conway
about procuring good musketeers to
go with the fleet, ibid. ; his despatch
to Buckingham, 101-2 ; returns to
London, 103 ; his house in the
Strand, 108 ; his displeasure at Sir
Horace Vere being created a Baron
of England, ibid. ; his appeals to Lord
Conway to consider the wants of the
troops at Plymouth, 109-110; the
Solicitor-General refers to him in his
speech before the Commons in
Christchurch Hall, Oxford, 119; is
offered the supreme command of the
fleet to be sent against Spain, 120 ;
placed in an awkward position, ibid. ;
his commission made out as Admiral
and Lieutenant-General, 121 and « ;
arrives at Plymouth and takes over
the command of the troops from Sir
John Ogle, 126 ; finds his task of
disciplining the troops a very difficult
one, 127 ; the Lord High Admiral's
orders to, respecting the Dunkiik
pirates, 128 ; sends Sir Samuel Argall
in search of the Dunkirk ships, 128 «;
his report on the bad condition of
the troops at Plymouth, 129-133;
the King promises to make him a
Peer of England, 137 ; his appoint-
ment as General by sea and land,
138; ten regiments placed under his
command, 139-140 ; the noblemen
and gentlemen volunteers who went
with him, 140-1 ; Buckingham takes
leave of, ibid ; his farewell despatch
to Charles I., 143-4; sails from
Plymouth, 145 ; is obliged by bad
weather to put back into Plymouth
Harbour, 146-7 ; dissatisfaction of
CEC
Sir John Coke with, 147-9; Coke
forms a better opinion of, 150-1 ;
compared to the Duke of Mont-
morency, Admiral of France, 153 ;
his warrant for the husbanding of pro-
visions, 154 ; calls a council of war on
board the Anne Royal, 155 ; endless
complaints laid before, 1 56 ; the sea
captains oppose his wishes, 160; his
unfortunate procrastination on an im-
portant occasion, 162 ; arrives in the
Bay of Cadiz, 164 ; forced to ask the
advice of the sea captains, 166 ;
complaint to by Admiral of Holland,
167 ; his strenuous efforts to get the
merchant captains to fight, 168 ;
Puntal fort attacked by, 169 ; Puntal
surrendered to, 170; gives orders
for the landing of troops, horses and
ordnance, 171 ; summons the colo-
nels to a council, 173 ; Sir Michiel
Geere's report to, ibid. ; the line of
action he took in consequence of
Geere's report, 174; appoints the
Earl of Denbigh temporary admiral
of the fleet and marches inland with
the ten regiments, ibid. ; arrives at
Hercules's Pillars, 176 ; incidents of
this inland march. 176-7 ; mutinous
conduct of his troops, 178; his
account of the affair, 179-80; hopes
to encounter the enemy, 181 ; marches
with the army back to Puntal, and
views the outworks and defences of
Cadiz, 183 ; remains two days
longer on shore, 184-6 ; re-emburks
his troops 1 86-8 ; his resolve to beat
it out at sea in hopes of waylaying
the Plate fleet, 190 ; want of pro-
visions and necessaries on board
his fleet, 190-1 ; the sailorb' feeling
against, 191 ; unjustly censured, 192 ;
arrives off Cape St. Vincent, ibid;
responsible for the safety of the fleet,
193 ; arrives at Kinsale, 194 ; stale
of his ship and crew, 195 ; more to
be pitied than any other officer in the
fleet, 196—7 ; arrives in the Downs,
242 ; sends Sir John Coke an account
of the Anne Royal, 243 ; praises Sir
Thos. Love, 244 ; takes up his title
of Baron Putney and Viscount
Wimbledon which had been con-
ferred in the previous year, ibid. ; his
character by Sir John Eliot, 248 ;
summoned before the Lords of the
INDEX.
409
CEC
Council, ibid. ; his answer to charges
brought against him by the Earl of
Essex, and other commanders, for
the miscarriage of the Cadiz expedi-
tion, 249 ; to be questioned by the
Commons as a Councillor of War in
previous reign, 250 ; names of his
officers who brought charges against
him, 251 ; former friendship of Lord
Essex for, 252 ; names of the com-
manders who took no part in the
charge against him, 253 ; solicits the
Duke of Buckingham's favour, 254 ;
is upheld by Buckingham, ibid ;
his letters to the Duke convey a false
impression of his character, 256 ;
appointed Councillor of War, and
takes his seat in the House of Lords,
257-8 ; his patent of nobility, 258
and n ; obtains a barony for his
brother-in-law, Sir N. Tufton, 264
and n ; appointed Lord Lieutenant
of Surrey, 265 ; recommends that a
provost marshal should be appointed
in every county, 267 ; rejoins his
regiment in Holland, 268 ; a report
raised that he was to command the
British troops sent to Denmark, 270 ;
his remonstrance to the Privy Council
concerning the pay due him, 271 ;
his opinion about the Rochelle ex-
pedition, 272 ; serves at siege of
Groll, 273 ; his advice to the Duke
of Buckingham upon military matters,
277-280 ; attends the funeral of Sir
John Burroughs in Westminster
Abbey, 281 ; appointed a Privy
Councillor, 282 and n ; his plan for
the defence of the British coasts, 283 ;
Lieut. Felton an officer in his regi-
ment in the Cadiz expedition, 286 ;
returns to England, 287 ; destruction
bv fire of his house in London, and
of part of his house at Wimbledon by
an explosion, 288-9 ; unjustly sus-
pected of furthering the late Duke of
Buckingham's designs, 289 ; serves
at the siet;e of Bois-le-duc in com-
mand of his regiment, 292 and « ;
volunteers under him, 292-3 and n ;
shows civility to the ex-king of
Bohemia, 294 ; Lord Craven serves
under at siege of Bois-le-duc, 297 ;
returns to England, 299 ; introduces
a new method of raising money, 300
and n ; appointed governor of Forts-
mouth, 301 and « ; royal grant to,
304 ; Oliver Cromwell brought before
and admonished by the Privy Council,
305 ; royal commission to, 306 ;
death of Diana Viscountess Wimble-
don, 307 ; returns to Holland, 308 ;
quartered at Heusden, 309 ; his
request to Sir C. Huygens, 310 ; his
claim against Dutch Government for
his burnt house, 310-1 ; falls into
disfavour and is deprived of the
command of his regiment, 311 and n ;
the lack of information regarding the
cause of his disgrace, 312 ; leaves
Holland for ever, 313 ; he still re-
tains command of his own company
of foot, 314; is obliged to sell land
on his return to England, 316 ; his
character as a statesman, 318 and n ;
his usefulness as a Councillor of
War, ibid. ; his endeavours to benefit
the master armourers and gun-
makers, 319 ; resigns the command
of his company in the States' army
and retires from the Dutch service,
320 and n ; active in fortifying Ports-
mouth, 321 and n ; his remonstrance
to the King, 322-6 ; the result,
326 ; meets with obstruction from the
mayor and aldermen of Portsmouth,
327 ; his commission to inquire into
the state of the Ordnance Depart-
ment, 328 ; his cavalry scheme, 329-
332 ; result, 332 ; entertains the
King, Queen, and Prince Charles, in
London, 333 ; his improvements at
Portsmouth, 335 ; claims his arrears
of pay, 336 and n ; appointed to
examine the accounts of Lord
Valentia, Master of the Ordnance in
the Cadiz voyage, 337 ; his petitions
to King Charles, 337-340 ; no record
of his ever receiving the amount due
to him, 340 ; contemplates a 3rd
marriage, 341-2 ; marries Sophia
Zouch, 342 ; reprehends the mayor
of Portsmouth, 344 ; fear of by the
civic authorities of Portsmouth, 345 ;
complains of the irregularity of his
pay, 340 ; his wife gives birth to a
son and heir, 347 ; his forethought
and ambition for his heir, 349-350 ;
death ol his son, 350 ; he soon follows
his son to the grave, 351 ; his will,
352-6 ; his burial place, 356 and « ;
his monument, 357-8 ; author of
4io
INDEX.
CEC
various pieces, 359-360 ; portraits of,
360-1 and n ; his moral character,
362 ; his children, 362-7 and n ;
his predecessors in the manor and
lordship of Wimbledon, 367-372 ;
his widow, 372-4 ; his instructions
as Admiral and General of the Cadiz
fleet, Appendix 378-382 ; the King's
instructions to, Appendix 382-6 ; and
386-8 ; his instructions to his Vice-
Admiral and Rear- Admiral, 389-90 ;
his orders respecting the West India
Fleet, 390-1 ; list of the officers in
the ten regiments under, 321-4 ; his
tract about the advisability of relieving
Rochelle, 394-491 ; his tract showing
how the coasts of the Kingdom may
be defended, 401-4 ; his funeral cer-
tificate, 404
Cecil, Elizabeth, Countess of Exeter
(see Diury)
Cecil, Elizabeth, Lady Hatton, anecdote
showing the state of her feelings for
her busbar d, Sir Ed ward Coke, 369 n
Cecil, Hon. Elizabeth, Baroness Wil-
loughby of Parham, mentioned in
Lord Exeter's will, 35 n ; her arms
in Lord Wimbledon's chapel, 356 « ;
her fine character, 365-6 ; her family
and representatives, 366 and n ; her
death and place of burial, ibid.
Cecil, Hon. Frances, Viscountess Say
and bele, mentioned in Lord Exeter s
will, 35 «; her arms in Lord Wim-
bledon's chapel, 358 ; her family and
representatives, 366-7 and n
Cecil, Mary Amelia, Countess (after-
ward Marchioness) of balisbury (see
Lady Mary Hill)
Cecil. Mary, Countess of Norwich, be-
quest to in Lord Wimbledon's will,
354 and n ; her death, 354 n
Cecil, Richard, Hon. Sir, legacy to in
Lord Exeter's will, 35 n
Cecil, Sophia, Viscountess Wimbledon
(see Zouch)
Cecil, Theodosia, Lady, (see Noel)
Cecil, Hon. Thomas, legacy to in Lord
Exeter's will, 35 n
Cecil, Thomas, 1st Earl of Exeter,
death and funeral of in Westminster
Abbey, 35 ; his will, 35 n ; his
troubles in the latter part of his life,
368-9 ; bequeaths Wimbledon House
and estate to his 3rd son Sir E. Cecil,
Cecil, William, 1st Earl of Exeter,
executor to his father's will, 35 « ;
accompanies Lord Wimbledon to
House of Lords on the latter taking
his seat for first time, 258
Cecil, William, Lord Burghley (the
great) a resident at Wimbledon when
Secretary of State, 354 n
Cecil, William, Lord Roos, reference
to his death, 369
Cecil, \\illiam, 2nd Earl of Salisbury,
sent to regulate the corn markets at
Hertford, 307 ; one of his sons serves
under Lord Wimbledon at the siege
of Bois-le-duc, 293 and n ; his son
attends the Earl of Northumberland
at his installation as Knight of the
Garter, 333 ; sells his lease of a
Government silk-farm to Lord Wim-
bledon, 338
Cecil, , (?) Mr., a volunteer un-
der Lord W imbledon at the siege of
Bois-le-duc, 293 and n
Cecil House, London, account of the
destruction of by fire, 288-9 ; Lord
Wimbledon's claims against the
Dutch Government for, 310-1 and n ;
Councils of War held at, 318 and n
Charles, Prince of Wales, displeased
with the 1 ord Treasurer (the Earl of
Middlesex) 60 ; his proposed mar-
riage with the Princess Henrietta
Maria of France, 71; his agreement
with Count MansfelH, 73 ; succeeds
to the Crown, 89
Charles, the First, King of England,
Scotland, and Ireland, his great
schemes on ascending the throne, 89-
90 ; anxious for war with Spain, 91,
and 124 ; signs the treaty of South-
ampton with the Dutch, 124; un-
happiness in his married life, 136 ;
goes to Plymouth to review the troops
and fleet, 137 ; his instructions to Sir
E. Cecil as commander-in-chief of the
fleet, 158-9 ; his coronation, 244-5 >
imprisons Eliot and Digges in the
Tower, 260 ; orders Buckingham's
and Bristol's cases to be heard in the
Star Chamber, 261 ; makes overtures
to Philip of Spain, 299 ; revives an
obsolete law regarding compositions
for Knighthood, 360 ; bestows the
Governorship of Poitsmouth on Lord
Wimbledon, 301 and n ; sends Sir
T. Roe to the Baltic on a Diplomatic
INDEX.
411
CHA
mission, 302; allows troops to be levied
in England and Scotland to serve
under Gustavus Adolphus, 303 ;
grants leave to the ex-king of
Bohemia to join Gustavus in Ger-
many, 315 ; his royal grant for Ports-
mouth, 326 ; hearkens to Lord Wim-
bledon's advice concerning the
cavalry, 332 ; his great need of
money, 334 ; his statue at Portsmouth,
343 and n ; Wimbledon's order re-
garding the statue of, 344 ; his in-
structions to Buckingham concerning
the fleet, 375 Appendix ; instructions
to Sir E. Cecil, 382 Appendix
Charles, Prince of Wales (afterwards
Charles II.), 333
Chatham, Earl of, reference to his
expedition to Walcheren, 191
Chatillon, Colonel de, 43
Chaworth, Lieutenant, 115
Chichester. Arthur, Lord, member of
the Council of War, 57
Chudleigh, Sir John, 140 and n ; com-
mands H.M.S. Rainbow in the
Cadiz voyage, 165 ; seconds Lord
Essex in attacking the Spanish ships
in Cadiz Bay, 205 ; takes part in the
accusation against General Cecil, 251
Clanricarde, Viscount, 333
Clifford, Anne, Countess of Dorset,
301 n
Clifford, Francis, Earl of Cumberland,
1 80
Coke, Sir Edward, offers to lend King
Charles ,£1,000, 130; report of his
death, 369 n
Coke, Sir John, Secretary of State,
speaks in the Commons on behalf of
the Crown, 1 16 ; active in setting
forth the great fleet from Plymouth,
144 ; writes angry letters to Sir E.
Cecil, 147 ; receives a despatch from
General Cecil from Bay of Cadiz,
216-9
Constance, H.M.S, the Mary, founders
at sea, 194
Conway, Edward, Viscount, Secretary
of State, the Prince of Wales's
marriage treaty signed in his presence,
74 ; his subserviency to Buckingham,
98 ; petitions to, 103 ; moves an
address in the House of Lords on
b°half of the Crown, 116 ; a Parlia-
mentary committee sent to examine
him as a councillor of war, 250 ;
attends the funeral of Sir John
Burroughs in Westminster Abbey,
281 ; his life threatened by some
anonymous persons, 289 ; death and
memoir of, 341 and n
Conway, Sir Edward, Colonel (after-
wards 2nd Viscount Conway) re-
ceives permission from the Prince of
Orange to go with the English fleet,
115 and 122 ; colonel of a regiment
in Cadiz Expedition, 140 ; an anony-
mous journal of the expedition
wrongly attributed to, 1 78 n. ; takes
part in the charges against Sir E.
Cecil, 251 ; his regiment sent to
Ireland, 267 ; list of officers in his
regiment, 393
Cook, Captain, the navigator, anecdote
of, 255 n
Cope, Sir Walter, 59 «
Cordova General, Spinola's Lieutenant,
3
Cork, Earl of (see Boyle, Richard)
Cottington, Lord, Chancellor of the
Exchequer, 332-3, 336 and n
Courtenay, Captain William, after-
wards Sir, an officer in General
Cecil's regiment, 21 ; employed to
escort 2,000 recruits from England
to Holland, 115-6; praised by Sir
W. St. Leger, 134 and n ; has
command of a regiment in the Isle
of Rhe expedition 274 and n ; 393 «
Appendix
Courtney (see Courtenay)
Coventry, Thomas Lord, Lord Chan-
cellor, 232 and n ; writes and forbids
Lord Bristol, in the King's name, to
take his seat in Parliament, 259
Cranfield, Anne Countess of Middlesex,
(see Brett)
Cranfield, Lionel, Earl of Middlesex,
5 and n ; his downfall and the cause
of it, 60-1
Cranfield, Thomas, 5 n
Cranmer, Archbishop, resigns Wimble-
don Manor to Henry VIIL, 367
Craven, William Lord, 292 and n ;
serves as a volunteer under Lord
Wimbledon at the siege of Bois-le-
duc, 292 and 297 ; serves under
Lord Vere, 314
Craven, Sir William, Lord Mayor of
London, 292 «
Craven, William, 2nd Baron, of Combe
Abbey, 293 n
412
INDEX.
CRO
Cromwell, George Lord, in n
Cromwell, Captain John, wounded at
Terheyden, 86
Cromwell, Oliver, an episode in his
life, 305
Cromwell, Thomas, Earl of Essex, in
n; 367
Cromwell, Thomas Lord, Viscount
Lecale, appointed Colonel of a regi-
ment in Mansfield's expedition, 74 ;
his complaints, III; his advice to
Buckingham, 135 ; receives a com-
mand on board the English fleet,
140 and 157 ; his affected sorrow at
Buckingham's anger, 206-7 > takes
part in charges against Sir E Cecil,
251 ; his subserviency to the Duke
of Buckingham, 257
Cruz, Marquis de Santa, 309
Culpepper, Colonel Sir Thomas, suc-
ceeds to the command of Colonel
Pakenham's (late Lord Wimbledon's)
regiment, 312 n
Cumberland, Earl of (see Clifford,
Francis)
DACRES, CAPTAIN, wounded in the
attack on Spinola's lines at Terhey-
den, 88
Danby, Earl of, (s'e Danvers, Henry)
Danby, Earl of, (see Osborne, Thoma^)
Danvers, Sir Henry, Earl of Danby,
procession attending his installation
as a Knight of the Garter, 333
Danvers, Lady Elizabeth, (see Nevile)
Darmstadt, Landgrave of Hesse, tries
to mediate a peace between Frede-
rick ex-King of Bohemia and the
Emperor Ferdinand, 10 ; treacherous
conduct of Frederick to, 10-1 and
n ; imprisoned in his own capital by
Frederick's orders, ibid. ; taken to
Mannheim and there released on
certain conditions, 12
Delawarr, Lord (see West, Henry)
Denbigh, Karl of (see Fielding, Wm.)
Denmark, Christian IV. King of, 89,
105, 265-6, 272, 291
Denny, Edward, Earl of Norwich, 354 n
Denny, Mary, Countess of Norwich,
(see Cecil)
Dering, Lady, 373 n
Dessau Bridge, defeat of Mansfeld at,
290 n
Devereux, Lady Penelope, Baroness
Rich, 346 n
Devereux, Robert, 2nd Earl of Essex,
reference to his expedition to Cadiz
in 1596, 152 and 163
Devereux, Robert, 3rd Earl of Essex,
appointed colonel of a new English
regiment sent to Holland, 62 ; dis-
putes about precedency with Lord
Willoughby, 63 ; joins the States'
army under Maurice of Nassau, 65 n ;
marches with his regiment to Rosen-
dale, 68 ; receives an invitation from
Charles I. to go with the great fleet,
122 ; the post of Colonel-General of
troops on board fleet proposed for,
1 34 and n; appointed Colonel-General
and Colonel of a regiment on board
fleet, 139 ; Vice- Admiral of fleet,
148 ; joins the Admiral's squadron
off the Lizard, 153; his ignorance of
seamanship, 157 ; receives orders
from Sir E. Cecil, the Admiral of
the fleet, to sail for St. Mary Port,
163 ; falls in with twelve large
Spanish ships, ibid. ; the result, 164 ;
anchors off town of Cadiz, 165 ; acts
as Colonel-General of the troops on
shore, 174-5 5 his charges against
Sir E. Cecil declared by an able
historian to be unjust, 192 ; arrives
at Falmouth, 194 ; is set against the
King and Court party, 195, brings
accusations against Lord Wimbledon
before the Lords of the Privy Council,
248-9 and 25 1 ; his former friendship
for Wimbledon, 252 ; his character,
ibid. ; receives permission from the
Privy Council to bring fresh charges
against Wimbledon, 256 ; his death
and funeral, 358 ; his effigy in
Westminster Abbey mutilated, 359
and ;/
Devonshire, Earl of (see Blount,
Charles)
Dewhurst, Robert, an Executor of
Lord Wimbledon's will, 353
Dieden, governor of Emericn, captures
Wese), 296
Digby, Sir Everard, 348 «
Digby, George, Earl of Bristol, memoir
of, 371
Digby, John, Earl of Bristol, is averse
to the breaking off the Spanish
marriage, 49 ; Duke of Buckingham's
animosity to, 60 ; King James is set
against him, 61 ; confined to his
house at Sherborne, ibid. ; attacks
INDEX.
413
DIG
Buckingham in the House of Lords,
258 ; forbidden to take his seat, ibid. ;
he petitions the House, 259 ; result,
ibid. ; clears himself from Bucking-
ham's accusations, 260 ; his case
against the Duke to be heard in the
Court of Star Chamber, 261 and n ;
sent to the Tower by the King,
ibid.
Digby, Sir Kenelm, styles Lord Wim-
bledon an "ingenious peer," 283;
memoir of, 348 «
Digby, Venetia Anastasia, Lady (see
Stanley)
Digges, Sir Dudley, speaks in Parlia-
ment against Duke of Buckingham,
260 ; sent to the Tower by the King,
ibid.
Doucaster, Viscount (see Hay, James)
Dorchester, Viscount (see Carleton,
Dudley)
Dorset, Earl of (see Sackville,
Edward)
Dorset, Countess of (see Clifford, Anne)
Downshire, Marquis of (see Hill,
Wills)
Drury, Catherine, Lady King, 373 «
Drury, Diana, Viscountess Wimbledon,
death of, 307 ; her grand funeral,
ibid. ; administration of her effects,
308 n ; her name inscribed on Lord
Wimbledon's monument in Wim-
bledon parish church, 358
Drury, Elizabeth, Countess of Exeter,
45. 308 «
Drury, Frances, Lady Wray, 45
Drury, Sir Robert of Hawsted, Bart.,
45
Drury, Sir William of Earith (?) 373 n
Drury arms, the, in Wimbledon
church, 356 «
Dulken, General Matthias van, attempts
to relieve Groll, 273
Dumblane, Viscount (see Osborne,
Thos.)
Dunkirk pirates, the, ships sent out
against by Sir Edward Cecil, 128
and «, 133
Dunluce, Lord, 333
EDMONDS, ISABELLA, Baroness Dela-
warr, 140 n
Edmonds, Sir Thcs., 140 n
Egerton, Sir Thos., Lord Chancellor,
fees charged him upon his being
created a Viscouut, 57 n
EXE
Eliot, Sir John, Vice- Admiral of Devon,
his description of the state of the
troops who returned from Cadiz in
1625, 194-5 5 leads the attack in the
Commons against Buckingham, 246 ;
his daring speech, 247 ; throws the
blame of the Cadiz expedition upon
Buckingham, 248 ; his character of
Sir E. Cecil, ibid. ; renews his attack
upon Buckingham in Parliament,
260 ; sent to the Tower, ibid. ; re-
leased, 261 ; takes an active part in
Charles the First's third Parliament,
298 ; is again sent to the Tower and
ordered to pay a heavy fine, ibid. ;
his death in prison, 299
Elizabeth, Queen of England, bestows
the manor of Wimbledon on Sir Chris-
topher Hatton, 368 ; exchanges the
Wimbledon Estate with Sir Thos.
Cecil, ibid.
Elizabeth, ex-Queen of Bohemia, Sir D.
Carleton's kindly mention of, 43 ;
her good opinion of Buckingham, 48
and « ; prayed for in the English
liturgy in England and Holland, 63 ;
anecdote of her flight from Prague,
99 «; the sympathy for her cause in
England, 113; receives a flattering
message from Buckingham, 123 ;
death of her champion, Christian of
Brunswick, 291 ; present with the
States' army on the surrender of
Bois-le-duc to the Prince of Orange,
297 ; her mistrust of the Anglo-
Spanish treaty, 308
Elliot, Sir William (Sen.) of Busbridge,
Surrey, Executor of Lord Wim-
bledon's will, 353 and »
Elliot, Sir William (Jun.) of Busbridge,
353 n
Elliot, Elizabeth, Lady (see Wray)
Ellis, Andrew, of Alrey co , Flint,
358 n
Ellis, Cecil, Hon. Mrs. Fiennes, 367 n.
Erskine, John, 7th Earl of Mar, 23
and ;/
Essex, Earl of (see Cromwell, Thos.)
Essex, Earl of (see Devereux, Robert)
Everard, Sir Michael, mortally wounded
during siege of Bergen-op-zoorn, 24
Exeter, Earl of (see Cecil, Thos.)
Exeter, Earl of, (see Cecil, Wm.)
Exeter, Countess of (see Drury, Elizth.)
Exeter, Countess of (see Nevill,
Dorothy)
INDEX.
FAL
FALKLAND, VISCOUNT (see Gary,
Lucius)
Farrer, Colonel Sir Robert, 392 and n
Appendix
Farrington, General, his regiment of
foot, 363 n
Felton, Lieut. John, an officer in Sir
E. Cecil's regiment in Cadiz expedi-
tion, 196 ; pay due to for his services,
269 ; assassinates the Duke of Buck-
ingham at Portsmouth, 286 ; story of
his wrongs, ibid. ; character, 287 ;
fate, ibid.
Ferdinand II., Emperor of Germany,
bestows the Palatinate upon Maxi-
milian, Duke of Bavaria. 33
Ferdinand III, Emperor of Germany,
marries his cousin, the Infanta Maria
of Spain, 41 n
Fernandina, Duke of, 172
Fielding, Basil, Viscount, serves as a
volunteer under Lord Wimbledon at
the siege of Bois-le-duc, 293 ; anec-
dote of his bravery at a critical time,
293 n ; made a K. B. at the coro-
nation of Charles I., 349
Fielding, Mary, Countess of Denbigh
(see Villiers, Mary)
Fielding, Wm. Earl of Denbigh, ac-
companies King Charles to Plymouth,
137 ; has a command in the fleet of
which Sir E. Cecil was Admiral,
140 and n ; appointed Rear Admiral
of the fleet, vice Sir F. Stewart,
151 n; his ignorance of seamanship,
157 ; appointed temporary admiral
of the fleet in Cadiz Harbour, by
Sir E. Cecil, 1745 his orders from
Sir E. Cecil, ibid ; sends a messenger
to General Cecil, 175 > instructions to
from Cecil regarding the provisioning
of the troops on shore, 1775 plays
the part of admiral of the fleet, 181 ;
receives a despatch from Sir S.
Argall, 182 ; sends orders to Sir T.
Love, and Sir M. Geere, 185 ;
his orders disobeyed, 186 and n ;
Admiral of the fleet sent to the
relief of Rochelle, in 1628, 283 ;
returns without having done any-
thing, 284
Fiennes, Hon. Elizth., Mrs. Twiselton,
367
Fiennes, Hon. Frances, 367
Fiennes, Hon. Frances (see Cecil)
Fiennes, Hon. Frances, Mrs. Ellis of
FRE
Alrey, her tomb in Lord Wimble-
don's chapel 358 n
Fiennes, Frederick Twiselton Wyke-
ham- Fiennes, Baron Say and Sele,
367
Fiennes, James, 2nd Viscount Say and
Sele, 356 «; 358 n, 366, 404
Appendix
Fiennes, Lawrence, 5th Viscount,
367 «
Fiennes, William, 1st Viscount (of the
new creation) Say and Sele, 356 n
Fiennes, Hon. Wm. (brother to 5th
Viscount), 367 n
Fisher, Capt, lost at sea in the Cadiz
expedition, 155
Fleurus, battle of, 13-14, 17
Fox, Charles James, his election contest
with Sir Cecil Wray, Bart., referred
to, 364
Fox, Christopher, chaplain to Lord
Wimbledon and rector of Wimble-
don, legacy left him in Lord
Wimbledon's will, 354 ; a witness to
Lord Wimbledon's will, 356 and n ;
deprived of his living during the
Commonwealth, ibid.
Frederick V. Elector Palatine and
ex-King of Bohemia, makes Count
Mansfeld general of his forces, 8 ;
leaves Holland and joins Mansfeld
in Alsace, ibid. ; the story of his short
campaign in the Palatinate, 9-12 ;
disbands his army and retires to
Sedan, 13 ; receives the news of the
taking of Heidelberg by Tilly, 22 ;
the Archduchess Isabella intercedes
with the emperor Ferdinand on his
behalf, 33 ; matrimonial schemes for
his children, 48 n ; change in the
King of England's feelings for, 63 ;
prayed for in the English liturgy,
ibid. ; Christian IV. of Denmark
embraces his cause, 89 ; his ingrati-
tude to Sir Horace Vere, 95 ; his
commission to the Duke of Bucking-
ham, 98 ; sympathy in England for,
113; General Cecil denies ever
having received any commission from,
121 n ; Buckingham assures him that
the fleet sent to Spain under Cecil
was to avenge his wrongs, 123;
serves as a volunteer in the States'
army at siege of Bois-le-duc, 293 ;
his grief at the death of his eldest
son, 294 and n ; sends details of the
INDEX.
415
siege of Bois-le-duc to his wife,
294-6 ; witnesses the garrison march
out with the honours of war, 297 ;
his mistrust of the Anglo Spanish
treaty, 308; obtains leave from
Charles I. to join Gustavus Adolphus
in Germany, 315 ; revisits the Pala-
tinate, ibid. ; dies at Mainz, 316
Frederick, Henry, Prince (son of the
preceding) his death referred to,
294 and n
Frederick Henry, Prince of Orange,
(see Nassau)
Fryer, Colonel Sir Thomas, Bucking-
ham assassinated by Lieut. Felton
v. hen speaking to, 286 ; a captain
in Sir W. St. Leger's regiment, 393
and « Appendix
Fynes (see under Fiennes)
GABOR, BETHLEM, Prince of Transyl-
vania, Mansfeld divides his army
between him and the Duke of Wei-
mar after the battle of Dessau, 291 n
Gayer (see under Geere)
Geere, Sir Michael, a sea commander
in the expedition to Cadiz, 167 ;
reports an advance of the enemy,
173-4 ; ordered by Lord Denbigh to
view the channel at Port Royal, 185 ;
his disobedience, i86and«; slanders
Sir E Cecil, 189 and n ; takes part in
the accusation against Cecil, 251 ; is
blamed for the failure of the Cadiz
expedition, 254-5
Gibraltar, a descent of the English fleet
(under Sir E. Cecil) upon proposed,
1 6 1 and n ; troops march from there to
the relief of Cadiz, 173
Gibson, Sir John, Sergeant-Major in
the Duke of Buckingham's regiment,
takes part in the assault of Puntal fort,
199 ; his regiment, 393 Appendix
Gifford, Capt, 269, 391 Appendix
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 156 n
Gilbert Raleigh, Captain of H.M.S.
Reformation in the Cadiz voyage,
156 and n
Giron, Don Fernando de, Governor of
Cadiz, his gallant defence of Cadiz
against the English under Sir E.
Cecil, 171-2 and n
Glanville, John, Recorder of Plymouth
and M.P., sent as secretary with
the Euglish fleet to Cadiz, 138-9;
the bearer of an important message
GUZ
from Lord Denbigh to Sir E. Cecil,
175 ; reference to, passim, 175-93 ;
his account of the arrival of the Anne
Royal, with Sir E. Cecil on board, at
Kinsale, 194 ; speaks against Buck-
ingham in the House of Commons,
260 and n
Glemham, Sir Charles, 244 n
Glemham, Sir Thomas, 293 and n
Glentworth, the baronets of (see under
Wray)
Gondomar, the Spanish Ambassador
at the English Court, receives per-
mission from James I. to raise two
regiments in England and Scotland
for the Spanish service, 7 and n
Gore, Captain, garrisons Puntal fort,
170
Gore, Sir Michael (see Geere)
Goring, Sir George (afterwards Lord)
his eulogium on the Duke of Buck-
ingham, 285 ; succeeds Lord Wim-
bledon in the governorship of Ports-
mouth, and holds that place for the
King, 335 n
Grandison, Viscount (see St. John,
Oliver)
Graye, Philip, Lord Wimbledon's foot
company given to, 320
Greenville, Sir Richard, commands a
company of foot in the Cadiz expe-
dition, 141 ; takes the part of Sir
E. Cecil against Lord Essex and
his other accusers 253 ; memoir of
253 »
Greville, Fulke, Lord Brooke, member
of the Council of War, 57 ; exempted
from examination by the Commons
on account of ill health, 250
Grimes, Sir Thomas, an executor of
Lord Wimbledon's will, 353 and n
Grobbendonck, governor of Bois-le-
duc, surrenders to the Prince of
Orange, 297
Groll, siege of, by the Prince of Orange,
273-4 and 278
Grove, Captain, death of, 238
Gulicke (see Juliers)
Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden,
makes his appearance in Germany,
302 and n ; defeats Tilly at Liepzig,
314 ; joined by Frederick ex-King
of Bohemia, 315 and n ; his death
at the battle of Lutzen, ibid.
Guzman, Caspar de, 3rd Conde d'
Olivares, minister to Philip IV. of
416
INDEX.
HAK
Spain, wrecks the Spanish Marriage
Treaty, 40 ; dissuades Philip IV.
from marching at the head of his
troops to relieve Cadiz when threat-
ened by the English fleet under Sir
E. Cecil, 273
HAKLUYT, COL. PHILIP, 392 n
Appendix
Hall, Dr. Joseph, preaches the Earl of
Exeter's funeral sermon in West-
minster Abbey, 35
Hanley (or Halley) Sir Edward, 394
Appendix
Harrington, Lord, 357
Harrison, Mr., curate at Mortlake,
Surrey, petition against, 362 n
Harvey, Sir John, governor of Virgina,
345-7
Harwood, Col. Sir Edward, pur-
chases his colonelcy from Lord
L'Isle, 15 ; receives permission from
the States' Govt. to go with the Eng-
lish fleet, 115 and 122; commands
a regt. in the Cadiz expedition, 140
n ; covers the retreat of the English
army at Cadiz with his regt., 1 86 ;
is hard pressed, 187 ; takes part in
the accusation of Sir E. Cecil, 251-
2 ; serves with his regt. at siege
of Bois-le-duc, 292 ; killed at the
siege of Maestricht, 314; tablet to
his memory in the Cloister Church
at the Hague, 314 n
Hatton, Sir Christopher, Lord Chan-
cellor, sells Wimbledon Manor house
to Sir Thos. Cecil, 35 n ; grant to
by Queen Elizth., 368 ; his sad
end, ibid.
Hatton, Lady (see Cecil, Elizabeth)
Hautrive, Col., a French commander
in the Dutch service", 65
Hawke, Admiral Sir E., reference to
255 »
Hay, James, Earl of Carlisle, anecdote
of, 1 6 n ; sent to Paris to negotiate
the French Marriage Treaty, 71
Hay, James Lord Doncaster (afterwards
2nd Earl of Carlisle) a suitor for a
regt. in Count Mansfeld's expedi-
tion, 74 > serves as a volunteer under
Lord Wimbledon at the siege of
Bois-le-duc, 293
Heath, Sir Robert, Solicitor (afterwards
attorney) general, defends Bucking-
ham in the House of Commons, 118 ;
HIL
accuses the Earl of Bristol before the
bar of the House of Lords, 259
Heidelberg, taken by Tilly, 32 ; the
castle destroyed by fire, 315 and n
Henderson, Col. Sir Francis, succeeds
to the command of his brother's
regt. in the Dutch service, 23 «
Henderson, Col. Sir Robert, sent to
Bergen-op-zoom in command of
troops, 1 8 n ; consults with Genl.
Cecil as to the defence of Bergen,
19 ; mortally wounded, 23 ; his
death, ibid.
Henrietta Maria, Princess of France,
treaty for her marriage with the
Prince of Wales, 59 and 71 ; married
by proxy at Paris to King Charles I.,
89
Henrietta Maria, Queen of England,
her journey to England delayed by
her mother's illness, 103 ; arrives at
Dover and is married to King Charles
at Canterbury, 104 ; the early part
of her married life unhappy, 136 ;
refuses to be crowned with her
husband, 244 ; twice entertained by
Lord Wimbledon, 333 ; reference to
her marriage portion, 340 n; the Wim-
bledon estate purchased from I*>rd
Wimbledon's heirs for, 367 and 369
Herbert, Edward Lord Herbert of
Cherbury, Councillor of War, 318
Herbert, Sir Gerard, a Capt. in Sir
E. Cecil's regt., 15 ; killed at de-
fence of Heildelberg, 15 n
Herbert, Col. Sir Henry, purchases
his colonelcy in Lord L'Isle's regt.,
16 ; erects a tablet in Cloister
Church at the Hague to Sir E.
Harwood's memory, 314 n
Herbert, Mr., speaks against Bucking-
ham in the House of Commons, 260
Herbert, Wm., Earl of Pembroke,
death of, 301 ; is succeeded in the
governorship of Portsmouth by Lord
Wimbledon, 301 and n
Heusden, Lord Wimbledon in garrison
there with his regt, 309-10
Heyn, Admiral Peter Petersen, Dutch
Admiral, captures the Plate fleet,
289 n ; anecdote of his mother,
298 n
Hicks, Sir Ellis, drowned off Jersey,
347
Hill, Lady Mary Amelia, Marchioness
of Salisbury, 364 and n
INDEX.
417
HIL
Hill, Wills, Marquis of Downshire,
364 «
Hinton, Sir Anthony, account of,
45-6
Holland, Earl of (see Rich, Henry)
Holland fleet, the, takes part in the
Cadiz expedition, 141-187 passim ;
vicissitudes of, 192 n
Hopton, Col. Ralph (afterwards
Baron), receives a special invitation
to go with the great English fleet,
98 ; his services to the ex-Queen of
Bohemia, after the battle of the White
Hill, 99 and n ; declines to go with
the Cadiz fleet, 197 ; his reasons for
so acting, ibid.
Howard, Charles, 2nd Earl of Notting-
ham, Lord Lieut, of Surrey, 265 and n
Howard, Elizth., Countess of Banbury,
Memoir of, 42 n and 43 n
Howard, Theophilus, Lord Howard de
Walden, his eldest son made a K. B.
at the coronation of Charles I., 349
Howard, Thomas, Viscount Andover
and Earl of Berkshire, attends the
funeral of Sir John Burroughs in
Westminster Abbey, 281
Howard, Thomas, Earl of Arundel,
Lord Marshal of England, accom-
panies King Charles I. to Plymouth,
137
Howard, Thomas, Earl of Nottingham,
Lord High Admiral of England,
265 n
Howard, Thomas, Earl of Suffolk, 42 n
Huntingdon, the Mayor of, accuses
Oliver Cromwell before the Lords
of the Privy Council, 305; Crom-
well's apology to, ibid.
Huygens, Sir Constantine, secretary
to the Prince of Orange, Lord Wim-
bledon's request to, 310 ; memoir of,
311 and n
INESTAL, DON GONZALO DE, slain out-
side the walls of Cadiz in an en-
counter with the English, 187 n
Isabella, the Archduchess, Regent-
Governess of the Netherlands, the
town of Frankenthal delivered into
her hands provisionally for eighteen
months, 34 ; demands an explana-
tion from James I. relative to the
destination of Count Mansfeld's
troops, 75 ; is reassured by James,
76 ; is asked for permission for
VOL. II.
KIL
Mansfeld's troops to pass through
her territory, 77
JAMES I., King of England, Scotland,
and Ireland, gives leave to the
Spanish ambassador to raise two
regiments in England and Scotland
for the Spanish service, 7 n ; tries in
vain to negotiate a peace for his son-
in-law, Frederick, 33 ; his gracious
reception of Sir Horace Vere, 34 ;
his schemes for a Spanish marriage,
36 ; his short-sighted policy, 37 ; his
friendship for Spain, 38 ; England
loses honour and prestige under, 39 ;
informs the Privy Council of his son's
departure for Spain, ibid. ; saying
attributed to on his son's return to
England, 42 ; a mere puppet in the
hands of Buckingham, 49 ; his
speech on opening Parliament, 50 ;
advised by Parliament to break with
Spain, 54 > makes a bargain with
Count Mansfeld, 59 ; enters into
negotiations with the French Court,
ibid. ; change in his feelings towards
his son-in-law, Frederick, 63 ; out-
witted by Richelieu in the French
marriage treaty, 72-3 ; French
marriage treaty ratified by, 74 and n ;
tries to engage Louis of France in
his son-in-law's cause, 77 ; forbids
the English troops under Mansfeld
to relieve Breda, 80 ; death of, 83
Jansen, Cornelius, the Dutch painter,
portrait of Sir E. Cecil by, described,
360 and n
Jansen, Sir Theodore, Bart., purchaser
of the Wimbledon estate, memoir of,
372
Jenkinson, Mr., escapes on board the
English fleet in Cadiz harbour and
gives valuable information to Sir E.
Cecil, 165
Johnson, Capt.,commarder of an ammu-
nition ship in the Cadiz voyage, 156
Juliers, surrender of, to the Spanish
troops under Van den Berg by
Pithan the Dutch governor, 3 and «
KETTON CHURCH, tablet to the Vis-
countess Wimbledon in, 374
Kilburne, William, postmaster at Hunt-
ingdon, summoned before the Privy
Council with Oliver Cromwell by the
Mayor of Huntingdon, 305
2 E
4i8
INDEX.
Killegrew, Sir Henry, 394 Appendix
Killegrew, Sir Robert, 137
King, Catharine, Lady (see Drury)
King, Elizabeth, Lady Barnardiston,
373 and «, 374,
King, Sir John, 373 n
King, Sir John, first Baron Kingston,
373 n
King, Sir Robert, Muster - Master -
General of Ireland, memoir of, 373 ;
his family, 373 n, 374
King, Sophia, 374
King, Sophia, Viscountess Wimbledon,
(see Zouch)
Kinsale Harbour, arrival of Sir E.
Cecil, with some ships of his fleet,
in, 195
Kiveton, Baron (see Osborne, Thomas)
Knollys, Capt., 33 and n, 391 Appendix
Knollys, Elizabeth, Countess of Ban-
bury (see Howard)
Knollys, William, Viscount Wal-
lingford and Earl of Banbury, 42 n ;
flatters the Duke of Buckingham,
285
LA.MBERT, GENERAL JOHN, purchases
the Wimbledon estate, 370 ; memoir
of, 370-1
Langley, Richard of Bexwells, 367 n
Latimer, Viscount (see Nevill, John,
and Osborne, Thomas)
Laud, Wm., Archbishop of Canterbury,
forwards the scheme for improving
the English cavalry, 332 ; Lord
Wimbledon's request to, 341-2 ;
petition to, 362 n
Leicester, Earl of (see Sidney, Robert)
Leipzig, battle of, referred to, 314
Leon, the island of, 172, 174 and n,
175 and n
Leopold, Archduke of Austria and
Bishop of Strasburg, Count Mansfeld
invades his diocese, 8 ; the town of
Haguenau wrested from him by Mans-
feld, 9
Lincoln, the Earl of, commands a regt.
in Count Mansfeld's expedition, 74
Lindley, Capt., chosen as second by
Sir E. Vere in his projected duel
with Sir E. Cecil, 6 «
Lindsey, Earl of (see Bertie, Robert)
L'Isle, Lord (see Sidney, Robert)
Louis XIII., King of France, is entirely
swayed by Richelieu, 73 > keeps on
friendly terms with both England and
Spain, 89 ; Buckingham falls in love
with his neglected Queen, Anne of
Austria, 103 ; induces James I. to
lend him some British ships, 117 n;
employs them against the Huguenots,
118 n ; result, ibid.
Love, Sir Thomas, Captain of the Anne
Royal in the Cadiz expedition, 145
and n ; issues orders without con-
sulting the Admiral, 147 ; Cecil's ex-
planation to Sir J. Coke of his
captain's conduct, 148 ; one of the
senior councillors of war in the Cadiz
expedition, 153 ; accompanies Sir E.
Cecil on his march through the Isle
of Leon, 184 ; receives orders to
view the Port Royal Channel, 185 ;
neglects to perform this duty, 186 ;
arrives in Kinsale harbour, 194 ; re-
mains with Sir E. Cecil till the Anne
Royal is ready for sea, 195 and n ;
arrives in the Downs, 242 ; left in
charge of the Anne Royal at Deal,
243 ; honourably mentioned in Cecil's
despatches, 244 ; his death, 244 »
MAINWARING, SIR HENRY, Lieut, of
Dover Castle, opposes the election of
Sir E. Cecil and Sir R. Young as
Barons of Dover, 35 and n
Malaga, proposals made for a descent
of the English fleet under Sir E.
Cecil upon, 161
Manchester, Earl of (see under Mon-
tagu)
Mandeville, Viscount (see under Mon-
tagu)
Mansel, John, surveyor at Portsmouth,
321 n
Mansell, Sir Robert, Vice-Admiral of
England, member of the Council of
War, 57 ; denies Buckingham's state-
ment that the Council of War had
sanctioned the raising of 10,000 land
soldiers, 118; Sir Robert Heath
attacks him in Parliament, 1 19 ; the
sailors on board the Cadiz fleet
wished him to have been their com-
mander, 191 ; his ill-success against
the Algerine pirates in 1621 referred
to, 242 and «
Mansfield Viscount (see Cavendish,
Wm.)
Mansfeld, Ernest Count of, compelled
to leave the Palatinate and seek
safety in Alsace, 8 ; his negotations
INDEX.
419
with the Archduchess Isabella, 8-9 ;
resumes his allegiance to the ex-King
of Bohemia, 9 ; his campaign in the
Palatinate, 9-12 ; accepts the offer of
the States-General to transfer his
army to Holland, 13 ; anecdote of
his bravery, 13 n ; gains a battle at
Fleurus, 14; account of his meeting
with Maurice of Nassau at Gertruy-
denberg, 14 ; marches with the States'
army to the relief of Bergen-op-zoom,
1 6 ; comes to England, 58 ; his great
popularity, ibid. ; strikes a bargain
with James I., 59 ; summoned to
Paris, 72 ; returns to London, 73 ;
a large force of British troops placed
under his command, 74 > issue of
money for, 75 ; his soldiers all pressed
men, 76 ; disorderly behavour of his
troops, 77 ; arrives at Calais with his
troops but is not allowed to land, 78 ;
sails for a Dutch port, ibid. ; a pesti-
lence breaks out among his troops,
78-9 ; wishes to lead his troops to
the relief of Breda, 80 ; his soldiers
half-starved, 8l and 85 ; Sir E. Cecil's
opinion of him and his troops, 86 ;
Charles I. favourably disposed to, 89 ;
Buckingham's plan for him to recon-
quer the Palatinate, 90-1 ; Charles I.'s
engagements to, 105 ; Lord Crom-
well's account of him and his troops,
III ; clamours for pay, 125 ; account
of his illness and death, 290 and «,
291 n
Mar, Earl of (see Erskine, John)
Maria, the Princess, Infanta of Spain,
the story of the Prince of Wales's
courtship of, 38-41 ; her subsequent
fate, 41 n
Marquette, Lt.-Genl. of cavalry in the
Dutch service, 27
Mason, Capt. John, commissary-general
in the Cadiz expedition, 179 and
217
Maurice, Prince of Orange (see Nassau)
Maynard, Sir John, accompanies Sir E.
Cecil to Bergen-op-zoom, 5 and «
Maynard, Lord, 5
Meverill, Francis, Secretary to Lord
Wimbledon, 356
Mets, Mons. de, a French officer in the
Dutch service, gallant behaviour of,
at the siege of Bergen-op-zoom, 20
Middlesex, Earl of (see Cranfield, Li-
onel)
NAS
Middlesex, Countess of (see Brett,
Anne)
Monk, George (afterwards Genl. and
Duke of Albemarle), serves under Sir
E. Cecil in the Cadiz expedition,
196
Monson, Adml. Sir Wm., 151, 161,
168 n, 192
Montagu, Edward, Viscount Mande-
ville and Earl of Manchester, 5 and n
Montagu, Henry, 1st Earl of Man-
chester, arbitrator in the dispute be-
tween the Mayor of Huntingdon and
O. Cromwell, 305
Morgan, Genl. Sir Charles, obtains the
colonelcy of an English regt. in Hol-
land by purchase, 15 ; succeeds Col.
R. Henderson at Bergen-op-zoom,
25 and n ; commands the British troops
in Breda during the siege, 65 ; Lord
Essex refuses to serve under him in
Germany, 25 and n • commands a
British contingent in the King of
Denmark's army in Germany, 270 ;
death of his Lieut. -Col. in Holland,
274 and n ; serves at siege of Bois-le-
duc, 292-3 and n, 297
Morton, Sir Albert, Secretary of State,
sent on a mission to Holland, 104 ;
his sudden death, 104 n
Morton, the Earl of, a suitor for the
colonelcy of a British regt. in Hol-
land, 62 ; made a K.G., 333
Morton, Col. Sir Thomas, 394 and «
Appendix
Mulgrave, the Earl of, attends the
funeral of Sir John Burroughs in
Westminster Abbey, 281
NASSAU, ERNEST, Count of, commands
a brigade of the States' army, 17;
appointed commander of a division
of the States' army before Breda, 69
sent with 5,000 men to strengthen
the towns in Holland threatened by
the Count van den Berg, 296
Nassau, Emilie, Princess of Orange
(Countess of Solms), her marriage to
Frederick Henry of Nassau, 84 ;
present at the triumphal entry of the
States' troops into Bois-le-duc, 297 ;
takes up her residence in the Castle
of Heusden, 309
Nassau, Frederick Henry, Count of,
commands the States' forces at
Emerich, 3 ; commands a division of
42O
INDEX.
NAS
the States' army before Breda, 68 ;
his marriage to Emilie, Countess of
Solms, 84 ; appointed commander-
in-chief of the States' army, ibid.
Nassau, Frederick Henry, Prince of
Orange, succeeds to his brother's
dignities, 87 ; attempts to break
through Spinola's lines and relieve
Breda, 87-8 ; is asked by the King
of England to allow 2,000 picked
soldiers to serve temporarily on
board the English fleet, 97 ; refuses
to part with any old soldiers, 99 ;
grants permission to certain British
officers to serve the King of England
for three months, 122 ; lays siege to
Groll, 273 ; captures that place after
a short siege, 273-4 ; invests Bois-le-
duc, 291 ; Bois-le-duc surrendered
to, 297 ; declines to make peace with
Spain, 309 ; wishes to lay siege to
Antwerp, but is prevented by the
cowardliness of the States' deputies,
ibid. ; Lord Wimbledon resigns the
command of his foot company to,
320
Nassau, Maurice, Prince of Orange,
his witty remark about the Princes
of the German Union, 3 ; assembles
an army of 19,000 men near Rees to
guard the Dutch frontier, 4 ; fails in
an attempt to surprise Bois-le-duc,
6 and n ; is joined at Gertruydenberg
by a large force under Count Mans-
feld, 14 ; praise of, by an English
writer, 16-7 ; sends reinforcements
to Bergen-op-zoom, 18 ; receives a
report from Sir E. Cecil regarding
the siege of Bergen by Spinola,
21-2 ; offers the command of the
troops in Bergen to General Cecil,
24 and n ; compliments the Duke of
Brunswick on his bravery, 27 ; re-
views Count Mansfeld's troops, ibid. ;
relieves Bergen, 30-1 ; sends an im-
perative order to the Marquis Spinola
regarding the exchange of prisoners,
32 ; his affection for the town of
Breda, 65 ; his plan for surprising
Antwerp, 66 ; result, 67 ; unable to
relieve Breda, 68 ; his health gives
way and he is obliged to retire to the
Hague, 69 ; complains of having to
feed Count Mansfeld's troops, who
were of no service to him, 80 ; death
and character of, 83
OGL
Nassau, Wm. de, Count of Moeurs
(illegitimate son of Maurice of Nas-
sau), serves as a volunteer at the
defence of Bergen-op-zoom, 25 n :
is Admiral of the Dutch squadron in
the Cadiz expedition, under Sir E.
Cecil, 141 and n ; batters Puntal fort,
167 ; complains to Sir E. Cecil that
he had not been seconded by the
Newcastle ships, ibid. ; the vicissi-
tudes of his squadron in the Cadiz
expedition, 192 n ; serves at the
siege of Groll in 1627, 273 ; is killed
by a shot from the town, ibid.
Nethersole, Sir Francis, 295
Newcastle, Duke of (see Cavendish,
Wm.)
Newport, Earl of (see Blount, Mount-
joy)
Nevill, Dorothy, Countess of Exeter,
her diamond cross named in Lord
Wimbledon's will, 354 ; her portrait
by Jansen, at Burghley House,
360 n
Nevill, Elizth., Lady Danvers, 371 n.
Nevill, John, 4th and last Baron Lati-
mer, 357, 371 n
Nieuport, an account of Sir E. Cecil's
charge at, 25-6
Noel, Theodosia, Lady Cecil, 357 and
404 Appendix.
Northumberland, Earl of (see Percy,
Algernon)
Norwich, Earl of (see Denny, Ed-
ward)
Norwich, Countess of (see Cecil,
Mary)
Nottingham, Earl of (see under How-
ard)
OGLE, Colonel SIR JOHN, sells the
colonelcy of his regt. to Sir C. Morgan,
15 ; sent to Dover to report on state
of Mansfeld's troops, 77 ; sent to
Plymouth to command the troops in
the Western District, in ; writes
despondingly to Lord Conway about
the state of the troops at Plymouth,
113-4; Sir E. Cecil arrives at Ply-
mouth and takes over the command
of his troops, 126 ; declines to go
with the fleet, 126-7 '> throws up his
command and goes into the Church,
127 and « ; to be examined by the
House of Commons as a Councillor
of War in last reign, 250
INDEX.
421
OLI
Olivares, Count (see Guzman, Caspar de)
Omkais, (?) an engineer officer, his death
at the siege of Bois-le-duc, 295
Orange, Prince of (see under Nassau)
Osborne, Sir Edward, Bart, 371 n
Osborne, Thos., Viscount Latimer, Earl
of Danby, Marquis of Carmarthen,
and Duke of Leeds, memoir of, 371
and », 372
Osborne, Capt., commander of H. M.S.
Assurance in Cadiz voyage, 175
Oxenbridge, Capt., commander of
H.M.S. Dragon in Cadiz expedition,
makes an unauthorised attack on
Fort Santa Catalena in Cadiz Bay,
183
Oxenbridge, Sir Robert, serves as a
volunteer at defence of Bergen-op-
zoom, 25 «
Oxford, Earl of (see under de Vere)
PAKENHAM, Colonel SIR PHILIP,
Lieut-Col, of Sir E. Cecil's regiment,
15 ; succeeds Lord Wimbledon in
the command of the regiment, 312;
memoir of, 312 n
Palatine, the Elector (see Frederick V.)
Pappenheim, Count, besieges Franken-
thal, 34
Parma, Duke of, reference to his be-
sieging Bergen-op-zoom in 1588, 22
and «
Parham, Lord Willoughby of (see
Willoughby, Francis)
Parr, Queen Catharine, possessor of the
Wimbledon estate, 368
Pass, Simon, engraving of Sir E. Ceci
by, 361
Pembroke, Earl of (see Herbert, Wm.)
Pennington, Capt., refuses to serve
against the French Huguenots, 117 n
Percy, Algernon, loth Earl of North-
umberland, procession attending him
on the day of his installation at
Windsor as a Knight of the Garter,
333 and n
Philip III., King of Spain, his claim to
the Crown of Bohemia, 38 ; his death,
ibid.
Philip IV., King of Spain, his acces-
sion, 38 ; entirely guided by Count
Olivares, 39 ; declines to interfere on
behalf of the ex-King of Bohemia
with the Emperor of Germany, 42 ;
Spinola's representations to regarding
Breda, 64 ; his arrogant reply to
PYM
Spinola, 65 ; anxious to march at the
head of his troops to the relief of
Cadiz, 173 5 is dissuaded therefrom
by Count Olivares, ibid.
Philips, Sir Robert, his speech against
the Government, in Parliament, 117
Pithan, sergt.-major Frederick, sur-
renders Juliers, 3 and n
Plate fleet, the, the fleet under Sir E.
Cecil in search of, 189-193 ; captured
by a Dutch Admiral, 289
Pole, Cardinal, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, the Wimbledon estate given to
by Queen Mary, 368
Porter, Capt., commander of H.M.S.
Convertive in the Cadiz expedition,
his gallantry at the attack on Puntal
fort, 168-9
Portland, Earl of (see Weston, Jerome)
Portsmouth, Lord Wimbledon ap-
pointed governor of, 301 ; references
to passim, 317-328, 334~347
Poulett, Mr., 137
Power, Sir Henry, Viscount Valentia,
Master of the Ordnance in the Cadiz
expedition, 139 and n ; Vice-Adml.
of Vice-Adml's. squadron, 157 ; gives
a false alarm to Sir E. Cecil on land,
1 76 ; duties that properly belonged to
him performed by Sir E. Cecil, 188 ;
quarrels with Lord Delawarr on voyage
home, ibid. ; takes part in the accusa-
tion of Sir E. Cecil, 251 ; royal com-
mission to, 328
Proude, Col. Sir John, obtains leave
from the Prince of Orange to go with
the English fleet, 122 ; commands
the Duke of Buckingham's regt. in
the Cadiz expedition, 139 ; killed at
the siege of Groll, 274
Proude, Lieut., killed at the attack on
Fort Puntal when making a landing,
169
Proude, Lt.-Col., killed at the siege of
Maestricht in 1632, 314 and n
Puntal, Fort of (near Cadiz), Sir E.
Cecil advised to take, 166 ; attacked
by Dutch ships, 167 ; English troops
landed near, 169 ; surrenders to Sir
E. Cecil, 170 ; Sir E. Cecil wishes to
hold it whilst part of his fleet goes in
search of the Plate fleet, 185
Putney, Baron (see Cecil, Sir Edward)
Pym, John, speaks against the Duke of
Buckingham in the House of Com-
mons, 260
422
INDEX.
RADCLYFFE, Capt. SIR JOHN, slain in
the isle of Rhe expedition, 393 and
« Appendix.
Rainsford, Capt. Sir Thos., 393 and n
Appendix.
Ramsay, Colonel Sir James, commands
a regt. in the isle of Rhe expedition,
286
Ranelagh, Earl of, 366
Rawley, Mr., gentleman volunteer in
the Cadiz expedition, expelled from
the Anne Royal by Sir E. Cecil for
gaming and insubordination, 150; Sir
John Coke intercedes with Cecil on
his behalf, 151
Raymond, Capt., commander of H. M.S.
Great Sapphire'va. the Cadiz expedition,
killed in the attack on Fort Puntal,
169 and n ; stain on his character,
2iS
Rhe, account of the Duke of Bucking-
ham's expedition to, 275-282
Rhyhoven • (?) governor of Bergen-
op-zoom, 19 and n
Rich, Colonel Sir Chas., offers Lord
L'Isle £2000 for his regiment, 15 ;
is colonel of a regiment in Count
Mansfeld's expedition, 74 ; gets com-
mand of a regiment in the Cadiz
expedition, 139 ; takes part in the
accusation of Sir E. Cecil, 251 ; list
of officers in his Cadiz regiment, 393
Appendix
Rich, Sir Henry, Viscount Kensington,
Earl of Holland, sent to Paris to
negotiate the French Marriage
Treaty, 59, 207 ; rumours con-
cerning, 287 ; is sent to Brentford to
regulate the corn market, 307 ;
assists the king of England in his
schemes for improving the cavalry
332 ; is a trustee for Queen Henri-
etta Maria in the purchase of the
Wimbledon estate from Lord Wim-
bledon's heirs, 367
Rich, Lady Penelope (see Devereux)
Rich, Robert, Lord, 346 n
Rich, Robert, 2nd earl of Warwick,
281
Richelieu, Cardinal, takes the helm in
French affairs of State, 59 ; his
ambition for his country, 71 ; hopes
to achieve what Olivares had failed
to accomplish, 72; Lord Wimble-
don's mention of, 397 Appendix
Richmond, Duke of (see Stuart Ludovic)
ST. J
Richmond, Duchess of (Frances
Howard) anecdote of, 69
Rochelle, refusal of the officers and
sailors under Captain Pennington to
serve against the Rochelle Huguenots,
117 «, 118 n ; Buckingham's expedi-
tion to relieve the town is a failure,
275 ; the Earl of Denbigh has no
better success with his fleet, 284 ;
Buckingham assassinated on the eve
of his departure for, with a large
fleet, 286 ; the Earl of Lindsey sent
to the relief of, 286 n ; capitulates to
the King of France's troops, ibid. ;
Lord Wimbledon's military tract on
the commodities and discommodities
of relieving, 394-401
Roe, Sir Thos., sent to the Baltic,
on a diplomatic mission, 302 ; re-
ceives a handsome present from
Gustavus Adolphus after the battle
of Leipzig, 302 n ; urges the King
of England to side with Gustavus,
303
Ros, Lord de, premier baron of
England, 366 n
Roos, Lord (see Cecil, Wm.)
Royal, Port, in Bay of Cadiz, references
to passim, 164-186
Ruiz, Don Diego, lieutenant-governor
of Cadiz in 1625, 172 ; makes a sally
from the town against the English,
187 n
Rusdorff, M. de, Ambssador from the
ex-king of Bohemia, in London, his
opinion about the preparations
for the Cadiz expedition, 123-4, 135
SACKVILLE, EDWARD, Earl of Dorset,
attends the funeral of Sir J. Bur-
roughs, 281 ; member of the Council
of War, 318 ; commission to, 319 ;
his son (Lord Buckhurst) made a KB.
at the coronation of Charles I. 349
Sackville, (?) a captain in Sir
E. Cecil's regiment in Holland, 15
Sackville, John, 46 and n
St^ John, Oliver, Viscount Grandison,
member of the Council of War, 57 ;
declared by Sir R. Heath to be
privy to Buckingham's design con-
cerning the great fleet, 118 ; declines
to give an answer to the Parliamen-
tary Committee regarding his actions
as a Councillor of War in the last
reign, 250
INDEX.
423
ST. L
St. Leger, Sir Wm., acts as second to
Sir E. Cecil in his projected duel
with Sir E. Vere, 6 n ; sells his com-
pany in the States' army to Lieut.
Nelson, 1 6 n ; is sent to Dover to
report on state of Count Mansfeld's
troops, 77 ; advocates Mansfeld's
troops being sent to the relief of
Breda, 85 ; is sent to Holland on a
special mission, 94 ; the object of his
mission, 96-7 ; joins Sir E. Cecil
at Waelwick, ibid. ; ill success of his
mission, 99 ; his services engaged for
the Cadiz expedition, 122 ; is the
bearer of a commission from Bucking-
ham to Sir J. Ogle, 126 ; suggests
that the post of colonel-general of the
troops on board be offered to Lord
Essex, 134 and n ; has the post of
Sergeant-Major-General given him ;
*39 5 suggests a simultaneous attack
on Puntal and the Spanish ships in
Port Royal creek, 166 ; treats with
the governor of Puntal about the
terms of surrender, 170 ; Sir E.
Cecil's general order to regarding
provisions for the troops, 179 ; is
prevented by illness from attending
an important Council on board the
Anne Royal, 193 n ; references to
passim, 198-241 ; does not take part
in the accusation against Sir E.
Cecil, 249 and 253 ; appointed
President of Munster in 1627, 253 n
St. Lucar, appointed as the rendezvous
for the English fleet, 151 ; had been
named at the council held at Ply-
mouth as a desirable point of attack,
158 ; Sir E. Cecil proposes to sail
there, 160 ; the obstruction of his sea
captains concerning, 160-1 ; distant
only twelve miles from St. Mary
Port, 162
St. Martin's (in the Isle of Rhe), the
Duke of Buckingham effects a landing
near, 275 ; unable to take the town,
276 ; Lord Wimbledon's advice to
concerning, 277-80; Buckingham ob-
liged to raise the siege and retire,
281
St. Mary Port (in the Bay of Cadiz),
proposal to attack, 161 ; the fleet
receives orders to sail there, 162 ; Sir
E. Cecil's orders to Lord Essex con-
cerning, 163 ; Lord Essex neglects
this order, 164 ; the Duke of Fer-
SPI
nandina brings provisions from, for
Cadiz, 172-3
Salisbury, Earl of (see Cecil, William)
Say and Sele, Viscount (see under
Fiennes)
Say and Sele, Viscountess (see Cecil,
Frances)
Scott, Sir Wm., Earl of Buccleuch, is
unfairly passed over by the States-
General in the disposal of a Scotch re-
giment, 24 n ; sudden death of, 341 n
Selden, Mr., speaks against Buckingham
in the House of Commons, 261
Selwyn, General William, of Matson,
361 n
Seville, troops from there march to the
relief of Cadiz, 173
Seymour, Sir Thomas, Lord High
Admiral of England, reference to his
marriage to Queen Catharine Parr, 368
Sidney, Robert, Viscount L'Isle (after-
wards 2nd Earl of Leicester) mor-
tality in his regiment in the Low
Countries, 2 ; resolves to leave the
service, 3 and n ; sells the colonelcy
of his regiment to Sir E. Harwood,
15 and n ; one of his sons attends the
Earl of Northumberland at his instal-
lation as a Knight of the Garter, 333
Sidonia, Medina, Duke of, receives
a despatch from the governor of
Cadiz announcing the arrival of the
English fleet under Sir E. Cecil, 171 ;
marches to the relief of Cadiz, 172 ;
Spanish account of his bravery, 187 »
Silking, Dorothea, Lady Zouch, 354
and «, 374
Singonie, Henry, legacy left him by
Lord Wimbledon, 355
Solms, Emilie, Countess of, Princess of
Orange (see under Nassau)
Soto, Don Lewis de, Sir E. Cecil
lodges in his house in the Island of
Leon, 1 8 and n
Southampton, Treaty of, signed by
Charles I., 124
Southampton, Earl of (j^WriothesIey,
Henry)
Southampton, Countess of (see Vernon,
Elizabeth)
Spinola, Ambrose, Marquis of Benaffro
and Duke of Sanseverino, is at the
zenith of his fame in the summer of
1622,3 ; lays siege to Bergen-op-zoom,
4 ; his arrival before the town, 21
and « ; the Prince of Orange thinks
424
INDEX.
SPR
he is going to swoop down on Breda,
22 ; obliged to raise the siege and
retire, 30-1 and n ; obliged to
release the Duke of Saxe Weimar,
his prisoner of war, 32 ; lays siege to
Breda, 64 ; his representations to the
King of Spain regarding the great
difficulties in capturing Breda, ibid. ;
Philip's peremptory order to, 65 ;
his operations before Breda, 66-7 ;
his character by an English admirer,
84 ; the inefficiency of some of Count
Mansfeld's soldiers who deserted to
him, 85 ; attack on his lines at
Terheyden by the Prince of Orange,
87 ; the States' troops are repulsed
with loss by, 88 ; Breda surrenders
to, ibid. ; his respectful behaviour to
the governor and officers of the garri-
son as they leave the town, 89 ; is
sent to command the Spanish army
in Italy, 291 ; his death, 291 n
Sprye, Colonel Sir Harry, 274 and n-
275 n, 279, 392 and n Appendix
Stafford, Edward, Duke of, his family
referred to, 404 Appendix
Stanhope, Ensign, killed at the attack
on Spinola's lines at Terheyden, 88
Stanley, Sir Edward, KB., 348 n
Appendix
Stanley, James, Baron Strange, made a
K.B. at Charles the First's corona-
tion, 349
Stanley, VenetiaAnastasia, Lady Digby,
348 »
Stanley, William, 6th Earl of Derby,
349 «
Steward, Sir Francis, is appointed
Rear- Admiral in the Cadiz expedition,
1 39 ; his ship proves leaky and he
stays behind at Plymouth, 148 n-g n
Stuart, Ludovic, Duke of Richmond,
his death, 50 ; passionate grief of his
wife at his loss, 69
Suffolk, Earl of (see Howard, Thomas)
Surrey, Lord Lieutenant of (see Cecil,
Edward)
Siviftsure, H.MS., commanded by the
Earl of Essex in the Cadiz expedition,
references to passim, 139-168
TERHEYDEN, attack on Spinola's lines
at by the Prince of Orange, 87-8
Tholen, island of, 22 n ; defeat of
Spaniards near by the States' troops,
VER
Thornhurst, Captain (afterwards Sir)
Thomas, 33 n, 391 and n Appendix
Tilly, Count, 12 «, 15 n ; captures
Heidelberg, 32; besieges Franken-
thal, 34 ; following the track of
Christian of Brunswick, 43 ; Christian
IV. of Denmark takes the field against,
89 ; defeated by Gustavus Adolphus
near Leipzig, 314
Totnes, Earl of (see Carew, George)
Towerson, Captain William, Deputy
Vice- Admiral of Hants, 345 and n
Tufton, Sir Nicholas, created a Baron
of England, 263-4 and n
Tyrwhitt, Captain, killed at the attack
on Spiuola's lines at Terheyden, 88
URBAN, POPE, VIII., is instrumental
in wrecking the Spanish Marriage
Treaty, 40
Utrecht, Lord Wimbledon's foot com-
pany departs from garrison of, 312;
Lady (Theodosia) Cecil buried in the
Cathedral Church of, 357
VALENTINE, BENJAMIN, is committed
to prison for his conduct in Parlia-
ment, 298
Valentia, Viscount (see Power, Henry)
Valtelline, the, dispute between France
and Spain about the territory of the,
72 and n
Vane, Sir Harry (the elder), is sent to
the Hague on a special mission by
Charles I. , 295 and « ; sent as envoy
to Gustavus Adolphus in Germany,
315
Vane, Sir Harry (the younger), marries
a grand-daughter of Lord Wimble-
don, 364
Vane, Frances, Lady (see Wray)
Vaux, Lord, is appointed Colonel of
two British regiments raised for the
Spanish service, 7 n
Velasco, Don Louis de, commands the
Spanish troops at the commencement
of the siege of Bergen-op-zoom, 18
Vere, Aubrey de, 2Oth Earl of Oxford,
314 n
Vere, Diana de, Countess of Oxford
(see Cecil)
Vere, Lady Dorothy de, 108 n
Vere, Sir Edward, receives a challenge
from Sir E. Cecil, 6 n ; commands
Sir Horace Vere's regiment during
the latter's absence in the Palatinate,
INDEX.
425
VER
14 ; slain at the siege of Bois-le-duc,
297
Vere, Sir Francis, reference to, 25
Vere, Henry de, 1 8th Earl of Oxford,
is given the command of a new
English regiment sent to Holland by
James I., 62 ; quarrels with the Earl
of Southampton about precedence,
63 ; takes part in the operations of
the States' army before Breda, 68 ; is
wounded at the attack on Spinola's
lines at Terheyden, 88 ; applies to
Buckingham for a command in the
great fleet, 96 ; dies at the Hague
from his wounds, ibid. ; his praise of
Buckingham, 257
Vere, Sir Horace, his gracious recep-
tion by James I. on his arrival in
England from the Palatinate, 34 ;
member of the Council of War, 57 ;
acts as arbitrator with Sir E. Cecil
in the quarrel between Lords Essex
and Willoughby, 63 ; his good under-
standing with Sir E. Cecil, 63 n ;
takes part in the operations before
Breda, 68 ; commands the vanguard
of the States' army in the attack on
Terheyden, 87 ; created a Baron of
England, 95 ; Sir E. Cecil's jealousy
of his elevation to the Peerage, 108
and n ; serves at the siege of Bois-le-
duc, 293 and n ; shows civility to the
ex-King of Bohemia, 294-5 > shares
in the Dutch victory off Tholen
Island, 314 ; sudden death of, 341
and n
Vere, John de, I2th Earl of Oxford,
1 08 n
Vere, Robert de, iglh Earl of Oxford,
slain at the siege of Maestricht 314
and ;/
Vernon, Elizabeth, Countess of South-
ampton, 68 and «
Vernon, John, of Hodnet, 68 «
Villiers, Sir Edward, President of
Munster, shows hospitality to Sir E.
Cecil at Youghall, 195 «
Villiers, George, Marquis and Duke of
Buckingham, Lord High Admiral of
England, accompanies the Prince of
Wales to Spain, 39 ; instrumental in
wrecking the Spanish Marriage
Treaty, 40 ; returns with the Prince
to England, 41 ; the ex-Queen of
Bohemia's belief in, 48 and n ; gives
an account of the negotiations with
VOL. II.
Spain in Parliament, 50 ; advises the
King to break with Spain, 54 ;
attacks the Earls of Middlesex and
Bristol in Parliament, 60 ; causes the
downfall of Middlesex and the dis-
grace of Bristol, 6l ; completely rules
James I., 73 ; the French Marriage
Treaty signed .in the presence of, 74 ;
Charles I. adopts his foreign policy,
89 ; proposes to send an English
fleet to Spain, 90 ; offers a high
command in the fleet to Sir E. Cecil,
92-3 ; procures a barony for Sir H.
Vere, 95 ; hopes to induce the Dutch
government to exchange veteran
soldiers for raw recruits, 97 ; his
commission from the ex- King of
Bohemia, 98 ; Lord Conway's sub-
serviency to, ibid. ; is sent to France
to escort Queen Henrietta Maria to
England, 103 ; his passion for Queen
Anne of Austria, ibid. ; gets Sir John
Coke to make a statement to the
Commons about the great fleet, 107 ;
sends 2,000 raw recruits to Holland,
114-5 5 makes a statement in Parlia-
ment, 117 ; mistrust of by the Com-
mons, 117 and n ; offers the supreme
command of the fleet to Sir E. Cecil,
1 20 ; his request to the King regarding
Sir E. Cecil, 120; sends a reassuring
message to the ex-Queen of Bohemia,
123 ; the people much offended at
his not going with the fleet, 135 ;
Lord Cromwell's advice to, 135-6 ;
requests the King to create Sir E.
Cecil an English Peer, 137; his
regiment in the Cadiz expedition
commanded by Sir John Proude,
139 ; warrant from to Attorney -
General Coventry, 141 and n ; his
unconstitutional attempt to pawn the
English Crown jewels in Amsterdam,
245 ; Sir John Eliot indirectly
attacks him in the House of Com-
mons, 247 ; Eliot lays the entire
blame on him for the failure of the
Cadiz expedition, 248 ; Lord Wim-
bledon begs him to allow him a fair
hearing, 254 ; he silences Wimble-
don's accusers at the Council Board,
ibid. ; does not profit by the lesson
taught by the Cadiz expedition, 255 ;
Wimbledon's letters to give a wrong
impression, 256 ; Lord Cromwell's
subserviency to, 257 ; a member of
2 F
426
INDEX.
the Council of War, ibid. ; is attacked
by the Earl of Bristol in the House
of Lords 258-9 ; Bristol's charges
against, 260 ; the King desires the
Commons not to meddle with him,
261 ; his and Lord Bristol's case
ordered to be tried in the Star
Chamber, 261 n ; grasps at a scheme
for raising money by a forced loan,
262 ; Wimbledon's request to on be-
half of Sir Nicholas Tufton, 263-4 ;
advises the King to declare war
against France, 272 ; commands the
troops sent to the relief of Rochelle,
275 ; effects a landing in the Isle of
Rhe, 276 ; Wimbledon's advice to
regarding the siege of St. Martin's,
276-80 ; sends the body of Sir John
Burroughs home to be buried in
Westminster Abbey, 281 ; fails to
take St. Martin's and returns to
England, 282 ; popular outcry
against, ibid. ; fortune still smiles
upon him, 285 ; is appointed com-
mander of a fresh expedition for the
relief of Rochelle, ibid. ; is assassi-
nated at Portsmouth by John Felton,
286 ; popular feeling against his
friends, 287 ; anecdote of his nephew's
affection for, 293 »
Villiers, Mary, Countess of Buckingham
(see Beaumont)
Villiers, Mary, Countess of Denbigh,
293 n
WAELWICK, Sir E. Cecil commands
the British troops at, 69 ; his des-
cription of this Dutch encampment,
70 ; unhealthiness of the troops at,
80
Walden, Lord Howard de (see Howard,
Thos.)
Wallingford, Viscount (see Knollys,
Wm., Earl of Banbury)
Wallingford, Viscountess (see Howard,
Elizabeth, Countess of Banbury)
Walmsley, Anne, Lady Osborne, 371 n
Walmsley, Thos., 371 n
WandesfordjChristopher, speaks against
Buckingham in the House of Com-
mons, 260
Watts, Sir John, has a command under
Sir E. Cecil in the Cadiz expedition,
140 and « ; takes part in the accusa-
tions against Cecil, 251
Weimar, Duke of Saxe, taken prisoner
by the Spanish troops in Holland,
7 and n ; is ransomed, 32
Went worth, Wm., serves as a volunteer
at the defence of Bergen-op-zoom,
25 n
West, Henry, 4th Baron Delawarr, has
a command under Sir E. Cecil in the
Cadiz expedition, 140 and n ; his
ignorance of seamanship, 157; quar-
rels with Lord Valentia about
precedence, 188
West, Isabella, Baroness Delawarr (see
Edmonds)
Weston, Jerome, Earl of Portland, Lord
Treasurer, 289, buys land from Lord
Wimbledon, 355 n
Whetston, Wm., chaplain to Lord
Wimbledon's regiment in Holland,
312 and n
Willoughby de Eresby, Baron (see
Bertie, Robert, Earl of Lindsey)
Willoughby, Elizabeth, Baroness Wil-
loughby of Parham (see Cecil)
Willoughby, Elizabeth, Countess of
Ranelagh, 366
Willoughby, Francis, 5th Baron of
Parham, memoir of, 365-6
Willoughby, Sir Francis, 393 and n
Appendix
Willoughby, Frances, Baroness Brere-
ton, 366
Willoughby, Sir Percival, of Wollaton
Hall, Notts, 393 and n Appendix
Willoughby, Robert, 366 u
Willoughby, Wm., 6th Baron of
Parham, 366
Wilsford, Sir Thos., 55 «
Wimbledon Estate, the, 35 and n ;
memoirs of some of the owners of,
369-372
Wimbledon House, is bequeathed by
the Earl of Exeter to his third son,
Sir E. Cecil, 35 and n ; part of the
house blown up by gunpowder, 288 ;
Councils of War held at, 318 #-319 ;
is rebuilt by Sir Theodore Jansen,
372
Wimbledon, Viscount (see Cecil, Ed-
ward)
Wimbledon, Viscountess (see Drury,
Diana)
Wimbledon, Viscountess (see Zouch,
Sophia)
Winne, Sir Thos., wounded at the
attack on Spinola's lines at Ter-
heyden, 88
INDEX.
427
WOT
Wotton, Sir Henry, his opinion of the
Duke of Buckingham in 1623, 253
Wray, Albinia, Mrs. ' Betenson of
Scadbury, 358 «
Wray, Albinia, Lady (see Cecil)
Wray, Sir Baptist Edward, 8th Bart,
of Glentworth, 363
Wray, Sir Cecil, nth Bart, of Glent-
worth, 363 and n
Wray, Cecil, 363
Wray, Sir Cecil, 1 3th Bart, of Glent-
worth, is the opponent of Fox in
the memorable Westminster election
contest, 364 and n
Wray, Sir Christopher, Lord Chief
Justice of England, &rw/0-Queen
Elizabeth, 45
Wray, Sir Christopher, Knt, of Barlings
Abbey, Lincolnshire, accompanies
Sir E. Cecil to Bergen-op-zoom, 5
and n ; marries Albinia Cecil, 45 and
« ; executor of Lord Wimbledon's
wiU> 353 and 355 5 serves on the side
of the Parliament at the breaking
out of the Civil War, 364 ; raises a
troop of horse in Suffolk, 364-5 ;
one of the Commissioners for execut-
ing the office of Lord High Admiral
of England, 365 ; his death, ibid.
Wray, Col. Sir Christopher, loth Bart,
of Glentworth 363 and n
Wray, Sir Drury, gth Bart, of Glent-
worth, 363
Wray, Edward, of Barling's Abbey,
363
Wray, Elizabeth, Lady Elliot, 353 n
Wray, Frances Lady (see Drury)
Wray, Frances, Lady Vane, 364
Wray, Isabella, 364 «
Wray, Sir John, I2th Bart, of Glent-
worth, 364
Wray, Sir William, ist Bart, of Ashby,
363 and n
Wray, Sir William, 3rd Bart, of Ashby
and 7th Bart, of Glentworth, 363
and n
Wray, Sir William, ist Bart, of Glent-
worth, 45
Wray, Sir William James, I5th and
last Bart, of Glentworth, 364 n
Wriothesley, Elizabeth, Countess of
Southampton (see Vernon)
Wriothesley, Henry, 3rd Earl of South-
ampton, 48 ; commands an English
regiment in the Low Countries, 62 ;
dispute with the Earl of Oxford about
precedence, 63 ; takes part in the
operations before Breda, 68 ; dies
from fever contracted on active ser-
vice, 69
Wriothesley, Lord (eldest son of the
preceding), dies from fever in the
Low Countries whilst on active ser-
vice, 68-9
Wykeham, William of, government
house at Portsmouth, formerly a
priory, built by, 347 n
YOUNG, SIR RICHARD, is returned as
member for Dover in conjunction
with Sir E. Cecil, 49 ; their election
declared void, 54-5 ; their re-election
opposed by Sir Thomas Wilsford,
55 n ; both he and Cecil regain their
seats in Parliament, 56
ZOUCH, EDWARD, LORD, of Harring-
worth (nth Baron), Lord Warden
of the Cinque Ports, nominates Sir
Edward Cecil and Sir Richard Young
as the two members for Dover, 49 ;
his two nominees turned out of
Parliament for not having been
legally elected, 54-5 ; Cecil's angry
letter to, 55 ; Young's intimation
to, 56
Zouch, Sir Edward, of Woking, me-
moir of, 342 and n
Zouch, James, 342 n
Zouch, Sir John, 342 n
Zouch, Lady (see Silking, Dorothea)
Zouch, Richard, Lord, of Harring
worth, 342 n
Zouch, Sophia, Viscountess Wimble-
don, her marriage to Lord Wimbledon,
342-3 ; gives birth to a son and heir,
347 ; her son baptized at Wimbledon
Church, 348 and n ; death of her
son, 350; death of her husband,
Edward Viscount Wimbledon, 351 ;
Lord Wimbledon's bequests to in his
will, 353~4 5 her second marriage,
373 and « ; her children by this
marriage, ibid. ; her death, 374 ;
tablet to her memory in Ketton
Church, ibid.
Zuazo, the bridge of, in the Island of
Leon, 172 and «, 181 and n
THE END.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
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